绍熙甲寅夏。予赴长沙。道过新喻。谒见故焕章学士谢公昌国于其家。公为留饮。语及长阳冲晦郭公先生言行甚悉。
因出医书历书数帙曰。此先生所着也。予于二家之学。皆所未习。不能有以测其说之浅深。则请以归。将以暇日熟读而
精求之。而公私倥偬。水陆奔驰。终岁不得休。复未暇也。明年夏。大病几死。适会故人子王汉伯纪自金华来访。而亲
友方士繇伯谟亦自籍溪来。同视予疾。数日间。乃若粗有生意。问及谢公所授长阳医书。二君亟请观焉。乃出以视之。
则皆惊喜曰。此奇书也。盖其说虽若一出古经。而无所益损。然古经之深远浩博难寻。而此书之分别部居易见也。安得
广其流布。使世之学为方者。家藏而人诵之。以知古昔圣贤医道之源委。而不病其难耶。予念蔡忠惠公之守长乐。疾巫
觋主病蛊毒杀人之奸。既禁绝之。而又择民之聪明者。教以医药。使治疾病。此仁人之心也。今闽帅詹卿元善实补蔡公
之处。而政以慈惠为先。试以语之。倘有意耶。亟以扣之。而元善报曰。敬诺。乃属二君雠正刊补。而书其本末如此以
寄之。抑予尝谓古人之于脉。其察之固非一道。然今世通行。唯寸关尺之法为最要。且其说具于难经之首篇。则亦非下
俚俗说也。故郭公此书。备载其语。而并取丁德用密排三指之法以释之。夫难经则至矣。至于德用之法。则予窃意诊者
之指有肥瘠。病者之臂有长短。以是相求。或未得为定论也。盖尝细考经之所以分寸尺者。皆自关而前却。以距乎鱼际
尺泽。是则所谓关者。必有一定之处。亦若鱼际尺泽之可以外见而先识也。然今诸害。诸无的然之论唯千金以为寸口之
处。其骨自高。而关尺皆由是而却取焉。则其言之先后。位之进退。若与经文不合。独俗间所传脉诀五七言韵语者。词
最鄙浅。非叔和本书明甚。乃能直指高骨为关。而分其前后以为寸尺阴阳之位。似得难经本指。然世之高医。以其赝也。
遂委弃而羞言之。予非精于道者。不能有以正也。姑附见其说于此。以俟明者而折中焉。
庆元元年乙卯岁五月丙午鸿庆外史新安朱熹书
绍熙甲寅年（1194年）夏季，我前往长沙，途中经过新喻。我去拜访老朋友、焕章学士谢昌国先生于其家中。谢公挽留我饮酒，谈话中详细提及了长阳冲晦郭先生的言行事迹。
于是谢公拿出几卷医书和历书说：“这是郭先生所著的书籍。”我对这两门学问都未曾学习，无法推测其中学说的深浅，因此请求将这些书带回去，打算在闲暇时日仔细研读并深入探究。然而公私事务繁忙，水陆奔波，整年不得休息，又无暇顾及。
第二年夏天，我病重几乎死去。恰逢老朋友之子王汉伯纪从金华来访，亲友方士繇伯谟也从籍溪赶来，一同诊治我的疾病。几天后，病情才稍有好转。问及谢公所传授的长阳医书，两位朋友急切地请求观看。我便取出给他们看，他们都惊喜地说：“这是一部奇书啊！”大概因为书中的学说虽然看似完全依据古经，没有增减，但古经义理深远浩博难以探寻，而这本书分类明确、条理清晰容易理解。怎么能让它广泛流传，使世上学习医术的人，家家收藏、人人诵读，从而了解古代圣贤医道的源流，而不觉得它深奥难懂呢？
我想到蔡忠惠公在担任长乐太守时，禁止巫觋以蛊毒杀人等奸邪行为，并且选拔百姓中聪明的人，教他们医药知识，让他们治疗疾病。这是仁人的用心。如今福建路安抚使詹卿元善实际上是在补蔡公留下的空缺，而他的施政以慈爱惠民为先。试着将此事告诉他，他或许会有意于此吧。急忙去询问他，詹元善回答说：“恭敬地答应。”于是委托这两位朋友校勘订正、刊印补充此书，并将这些始末情况写下来寄给他。
此外，我曾认为古人诊脉，观察的方法固然不止一种，但当今世道通行，只有寸、关、尺三部诊法最为重要。况且这种说法记载在《难经》的首篇，所以也不是下里巴人那种粗俗的说法。因此郭公的这本书，详细记载了这些话语，并采用丁德用“密排三指”的方法来解释它。《难经》的理论已经非常完备了，至于丁德用的方法，我个人认为，诊脉者的手指有肥瘦之分，病人的手臂有长短之别，以此相互对应，未必能成为定论。
我曾经仔细考察经典中划分寸、尺的方法，都是从关部向前或向后推算，以距离鱼际穴和尺泽穴的距离为准。那么所谓的“关”，必然有一个固定的位置，就像鱼际和尺泽一样可以从外部观察到并预先识别。然而现在各种害处中，各种没有确切结论的理论里，只有《千金方》认为寸口处的骨头自然较高，而关部和尺部都是由此向后推算取得的。那么它的论述先后、位置的进退，似乎与经文不符。唯独民间流传的脉诀五七言韵语者，文辞最鄙陋浅显，显然不是王叔和本来的著作，却能直接指出高骨为关，并区分前后作为寸、尺阴阳的位置，似乎符合《难经》的本意。然而世间的高明医生，因为它被认为是伪作，于是抛弃它并羞于谈论。我不是精通医道的人，无法对此进行纠正。姑且附上这种说法在这里，以等待高明之人来评判折中。
庆元元年乙卯岁（1195年）五月丙午日，鸿庆外史新安朱熹书写。
In the summer of the Jia-Yin year of Shaoxi (1194), I traveled to Changsha and passed through Xinyu. I visited my old friend, Scholar Xie Changguo, who held the title of Han Zhang Academician, at his residence. Master Xie hosted me for a drink, and during our conversation, he spoke in detail about the words and deeds of Mr. Guo Yong, styled Changyang Chonghui.
He then presented several volumes of medical and calendrical books, saying, "These are works authored by Master Guo." I had not studied either of these fields and could not gauge the depth of their theories; therefore, I requested to take them home, intending to study them carefully and seek profound understanding during my leisure time. However, due to busy public and private affairs and constant travel by water and land, I had no rest throughout the year and thus did not have the opportunity.
The following summer, I fell seriously ill and nearly died. Fortunately, Wang Hanboji, the son of an old friend, visited from Jinhua, and Fang Shimiao, a relative and friend, came from Jixi. Together, they examined my condition. Within a few days, I began to show signs of recovery. When asked about the Changyang medical books entrusted by Master Xie, both gentlemen eagerly requested to see them. I produced the books for them, and they expressed surprise and joy, saying, "This is a remarkable book!" Although its theories appear to be derived directly from ancient classics without addition or subtraction, the ancient classics are profound and vast, making them difficult to explore. In contrast, this book categorizes content clearly and presents it in an accessible manner. How can we ensure its wide dissemination so that practitioners of medicine may own copies in every household and recite them daily, thereby understanding the origins and developments of the medical doctrines of ancient sages, rather than finding them too difficult?
I recall that when Cai Zhonghui served as the Prefect of Changle, he banned the evil practices of shamans and mediums who caused death through sorcery and gu poison. Furthermore, he selected intelligent commoners and taught them medicine so they could treat illnesses. This reflects the heart of a benevolent person. Currently, Zhan Qingshanyuan, the Military Commissioner of Fujian, effectively fills the void left by Master Cai, prioritizing benevolence and kindness in his administration. I attempted to convey this matter to him, hoping he might be interested. Upon urgent inquiry, Yuan Shan replied with respect: "I respectfully agree." Consequently, I commissioned the two gentlemen to collate, correct, print, and supplement the book, recording these details to send along.
Furthermore, I have often stated that while ancients employed various methods for pulse diagnosis, the method of inspecting the Cun, Guan, and Chi positions is currently the most prevalent and important. Moreover, this theory is detailed in the first chapter of the *Nan Jing* (Classic of Difficult Issues), indicating it is not merely vulgar folklore. Therefore, Master Guo's book records these statements extensively and employs Ding Deyong's method of "closely arranging three fingers" to explain them. The theories in the *Nan Jing* are already perfect; however, regarding Ding Deyong's method, I personally suspect that because the examiner's fingers vary in thickness and the patient's arms vary in length, using this method for comparison may not yield a definitive conclusion.
Upon careful examination of how the classics define the boundaries of Cun and Chi, they calculate distances forward or backward from the Guan position towards the Yuji (LU10) and Chize (LU5) acupoints. Thus, the Guan position must be fixed, just as Yuji and Chize are externally visible and identifiable beforehand. Among various theories lacking definitive consensus, only the *Qian Jin Fang* (Essential Prescriptions Worth a Thousand Gold) suggests that the bone at the Cun Kou position is naturally higher, with the Guan and Chi positions derived subsequently from this point. Its sequence and positional adjustments seem inconsistent with the classic texts. Conversely, the popular pulse rhymes (five- and seven-character verses) circulating among the populace, though linguistically crude and evidently not from Wang Shuhe's original work, correctly identify the high bone as the Guan and distinguish the anterior-posterior positions as Yin and Yang of Cun and Chi. This seems to align with the original intent of the *Nan Jing*. However, eminent physicians of today, considering it apocryphal, discard it and shy away from discussing it. As I am not an expert in the Dao of medicine, I cannot rectify this. I tentatively attach this discussion here, awaiting judgment from those more knowledgeable.
Written by Zhu Xi, styled Hongqing Waishi, of Xin'an, on the Bing-Wu day of the fifth month, in the Yi-Mao year of Qingyuan (1195).