岁遇丰熟，谷盈百室，露积其粱，而遗秉滞穗，犹且可拾，寡妇所利。较诸农夫所庆，
虽有
多少之等，岂异其坚栗乎？向栗园公着《皇国名医传》，叙先哲事迹，犹谷盈百室，然虽此
篇属遗秉，坚栗则同焉。后进尝其旨否，所利不少，终善且多者，必有矣。因想初公苦学，
盖亦不与农耕陇亩，蹈泥淖，驱牛马，耘耔费精而时刻望秋异。今之学富业殷，亦复与农遇
丰熟。黄云漠漠表嘉瑞同，吾曹推公为 ，为仓城，则此刻告竣，其可不庆乎，喜而跋。
今村亮谨识
赵云崧着《瓯北诗话》于唐宋明清四代，取十家以为学人之圭臬，从来诗话无出其上者
也。
栗园浅田君之着《先哲医话》，体例似瓯北所载十三家，虽儒医异道，其为大家一也。予曾
谓我邦文本之事输筹西土，独至医术洵有出蓝之妙也矣。清朝医家尤饮鹤、徐洄溪称为大家
，徐氏《医学源流论》议论正大，学力可见。至读《兰台轨范》，则殆如出别手，尤氏《金
匮翼》稍可见。《医学读书记》，则甚少可取者，无他，坐文胜而实不足耳。此编之成，使
辫发儿读之果何如哉？若有王梅庵其人，则叙而传之也必矣。然则君之此举，可谓补医林一
缺事矣。明治已巳晚夏朔。
后学 村山淳拜识
赵宋以降，诗话之多，累积可柱屋。而至文话则唯宋有王 文话，明有闵文振兰庄文话
，李
云文话而已，如医话绝无，不亦杏林缺事乎？迩者读诗人征略，引灵芬山馆文钞云。黄凯夙
工于医，以济物为急，合善药以施，辑其所得为《医话》。《瘟疫论类编·序》云∶刘奎亦
着《松峰医话》，而未见其书，每以为憾焉。栗园先生尝仿其目，辑皇朝名哲之说，名曰《
先哲医话》。盖医有案有话，医之有案，犹吏之有案，断章取义，有格定之式，而话则优游
厌饫，入人心者深。是则不可不与诗文之话并存而传也，因校以授梓。
门人 信浓 松山挺谨识
每当遇到丰收之年，粮食装满上百间屋子，露天堆积着谷米，但那些散落的禾束和滞留的穗子，仍然可以拾取，这对寡妇来说是有益的。这与农夫们的庆祝相比，虽然数量有少多的差别，难道在谷粒的坚实饱满上有什么不同吗？栗园公撰写了《皇国名医传》，叙述先哲的事迹，就像粮食装满百室一样丰富，虽然这一篇属于散落的禾束（遗秉），但其价值如同坚实的谷粒是一样的。后辈学者品尝其中的旨趣，所得利益不少，最终善且多的人，一定会有。因此想到初公刻苦学习，大概也不比在田间耕作，踩进泥沼，驱赶牛马，除草施肥耗费精力而时刻盼望秋天收获不同。现在的学识丰富、事业殷实，也如同农夫遇到了丰收之年。金黄色的云漠漠地表现出吉祥的瑞兆，我们推崇栗园公为粮仓之城，那么此刻告竣，怎么能不庆祝呢？高兴而写下跋文。今村亮谨识。
赵云崧撰写《瓯北诗话》于唐宋明清四代，选取十家作为学人的准则，从来诗话没有超过它的。
栗园浅田君撰写《先哲医话》，体例类似于瓯北所载的十三家，虽然儒医之道不同，但他们都是大家。我曾说我国在文本方面输给西方，唯独在医术上确实有青出于蓝的妙处。清朝医家尤饮鹤、徐洄溪被称为大家，徐氏的《医学源流论》议论正大，学力可见。至于读《兰台轨范》，则几乎像是出自另一个人之手，尤氏的《金匮翼》稍可看出。《医学读书记》，则很少可取的，没有其他原因，只是文章华丽而实质不足罢了。这部书的完成，让留着辫子的孩子们读了会怎么样呢？如果有王梅庵这样的人，那么叙述并传记他是一定的了。然而君的这个举动，可以说是补了医林的一个缺憾了。明治已巳年晚夏初一。后学村山淳拜识。
赵宋以来，诗话之多，累积起来可以支撑房屋。而至文话则只有宋代有王文话，明代有闵文振兰庄文话，李云文话而已，像医话绝无，不也是杏林（医学界）的缺憾吗？近来读诗人征略，引用灵芬山馆文钞说：黄凯素来擅长医术，以救济万物为急务，合用善药施舍，辑录他的所得为《医话》。《瘟疫论类编·序》说：刘奎也撰写了《松峰医话》，但没有见到这本书，每每以此为遗憾。栗园先生曾模仿其目录，辑录皇朝名哲的说法，名叫《先哲医话》。大概医有案有话，医之有案，就像官吏有档案，断章取义，有固定的格式，而话则从容满足，深入人心很深。这则不可不与诗文的话并存而流传，于是校对后交付刻印。门人信浓松山挺谨识。
Whenever a bumper harvest occurs, grain fills hundreds of rooms, piled openly as millet and sorghum, yet scattered sheaves and lingering ears remain collectible, benefiting widows. Compared to the celebration of farmers, although there is a difference in quantity, is there any difference in the firmness and plumpness of the grains? Mr. Liyuan (Li Yuan) compiled the *Biographies of Famous Doctors of Our Country*, narrating the deeds of former sages, much like grain filling hundreds of rooms. Although this section belongs to the "scattered sheaves" (minor contributions), its value is identical to that of firm grains. Whether junior scholars can taste its essence or not, the benefits are considerable; those who find it ultimately good and abundant will certainly exist. Reflecting on Mr. Chu's bitter study, it was no different from farming in the fields, treading in mud, driving oxen and horses, weeding and fertilizing with painstaking effort while constantly hoping for an autumn harvest. Today, those rich in learning and prosperous in career also encounter a bumper harvest. The vast yellow clouds manifest auspicious omens; we promote Mr. Gong to be the granary city. Thus, with this completion, how can we not celebrate? Joyfully, I write this postscript. Jin Cunliang respectfully records.
Zhao Yunsong, in his *Oubei Poetry Talks* covering the Tang, Song, Ming, and Qing dynasties, selected ten families as the standard for scholars. No poetry talks have ever surpassed it.
Mr. Liyuan Asada's *Xianzhe Yihua* (Talks of Former Medical Sages) follows a format similar to the thirteen families recorded by Oubei. Although Confucian medicine differs in path from poetry, they are both masterpieces. I once stated that our nation lags behind the West in textual studies, but in medical arts, there is indeed a brilliance of surpassing one's teacher (qing chu yu lan). In the Qing Dynasty, medical masters You Yinhe and Xu Huixi were renowned. Xu's *Lunshu Yuanyuan Lun* (Discussion on the Origins and Development of Medicine) displays upright arguments and profound scholarship. However, reading *Lantai Guifan* (Standard Norms of the Imperial Clinic) seems almost as if written by another hand; You's *Jingui Yi* (Wings of the Golden Cabinet) shows some merit. *Yixue Dujilu* (Records of Reading Medical Books) has little to recommend; this is merely due to ornate writing lacking substance. How will children with braided hair react upon reading this compilation? If someone like Wang Meian existed, he would surely narrate and biographize him. Nevertheless, this action of yours can be said to fill a gap in the medical forest (medical community). Late summer, first day of the month, Yisi year of Meiji. Junior scholar Cunshan Chun bows and records.
Since the Song Dynasty, poetry talks have accumulated enough to prop up houses. Yet prose talks are rare: only Wang's *Prose Talks* in Song, Min Wenzhen's *Lanzhuang Prose Talks* and Li Yun's *Prose Talks* in Ming. The absolute absence of medical talks is indeed a deficiency in the apricot forest (medical field). Recently, reading *Shiren Zhenglue* (Brief Records of Poets), which cites *Lingfen Shanguan Wenchao*, states: Huang Kai excelled in medicine, prioritized relieving suffering, combined good medicines to distribute, and compiled his experiences into *Yihua* (Medical Talks). The preface to *Piyilun Leibian* (Classified Compilation of Treatise on Pestilence) says: Liu Kui also wrote *Songfeng Yihua* (Song Peak Medical Talks), but the book has not been seen, causing regret every time. Mr. Liyuan imitated this title, compiling sayings of famous sages of the dynasty, naming it *Xianzhe Yihua*. Generally, medicine has cases and talks. Medical cases are like official archives, rigid in format and meaning; whereas talks are leisurely and satisfying, penetrating deeply into people's hearts. Thus, they cannot help but coexist and be transmitted with poetry and prose talks. Therefore, after collation, I handed them over for printing. Disciple Shinano Matsuyama Ting respectfully records.