凡病伤寒最重，温热尤烈，伤寒仅在一时，温热暑疫每发三季，为时既久，病者益多。苟不明其源，则流
不得而清也；不辨其类，则治不得其当也。夫温热暑疫，皆热证也。燎原之下，苟无清凉一滴，何以治之？人
无今昔，性有异同。某也神酣往圣，志切琳琅，爰以一隙微明，静中索照焉。夫上古圣人，首重色脉，以营之
已变未变，定人生死，片言已毕。
诒按∶此指素问刺热篇，太阳之脉色荣颧骨一节。
中古圣人，专论谷气盛衰，定人生死，片言已毕。
诒按∶此指素问评热病篇，热不为汗衰一节。
仲景，叔季圣人也。既立方论，复出不尽之藏纬，以膀胱之伤与绝，定人生死，先后合符，了无剩义矣。
诒按∶此指伤寒论中，风温为病一节，有小便不利，直视失溲也等语。
乃仲景于伤寒论中，温热之法，森森俱载，黄芩白虎等汤，是其治也。学人苟能引伸此义，便可变法无穷
。乃不能细察其理，反执以为治伤寒之法；盖思本
汤既无外解之功，又无内夺之力，圣人定法，果何取乎。
诒按∶得此提醒，自应顽石点头。
自晋以来，疑鬼疑蜮，沿陋无已。如崔行文之解温，用白术、乌头、细辛、桔梗四味；更加附子，名老君
神明散；更加萤火，名务成子萤火丸。热药相投，以火济火，谁其辨诸。
诒按∶此必当时有寒疫流行，用此得效，因而相传也。
如仲景书，谓太阳病发热而渴，不恶寒者，为温病；而朱肱活人书，谓发热恶寒，头疼身痛为温病，已显
背圣训矣。其所立五方，如葳蕤汤、知母葛根汤、防己汤、栝蒌根汤、葛根龙胆汤，风火交炽，燔灼无休。复
改圣散子仍用附子，苏东坡在黄州时，亦称其效；岂知朱肱已三易其方，用败毒散而远热药。然厥功难减厥罪
。
诒按∶败毒散，是通治三时感冒之方，仍非温热病药也。
吴氏谓伤寒坏病，更遇温热为温病。洁古老人，伤寒名家也；其子云岐，以伤寒过经不解者为温病，指叔
和之文为仲景之言。赵嗣真谓仲景云，重感异气，变为温病。汪机谓仲景云，遇温气为温病，遇温热为温毒。
竟罔顾圣经之载于方策者，何尝有此一语耶。
诒按∶诸家不明伏气发温之理，而以温病为伤寒变证，故
于温热源流，愈说愈远。
巢氏病源遵崔文行解散法∶一日用摩膏火灸；二日用针解散；三日复汗之；四日用藜芦丸、瓜蒂散吐之；
五、六日解未了了者，复针之；七日热已入胃，鸡子汤下之。遂使庞安常自撰微言，一以和解为主，奉为灵宝
，少移则蹶。巢庞二子，盲以引盲，贻误何极。李思训亦宗和解，王海臧称其当宋全盛，明哲莫逾，拟非其伦
矣。
诒按∶以上皆伤寒治法，后人遵之以治温热，贻误不少。
丹溪长于温热，善用凉药，温热遇之，自能解散。然非有真知灼见于其间也。东垣不善外感，长于内伤，
乃从内经悟出冬温、春温二义，嘉言极口叹颂，而用药则未能丝丝入扣也。
诒按∶丹溪、东垣所论，不过一隙微明，于温热病之治法，仍未能从源头悟澈也。
迨刘河间着伤寒直格，于热病每多入理深谈。然混在正伤寒中，在人眼光采择，不免金屑杂于泥沙者欤。
诒按∶温热治法，自仲景以后，无一人得其门径。至河间始有清泄邪热之法，与仲景黄芩白虎之治，先后
同符。惜其于疏邪化热诸法，犹未能随证变化，曲尽病情也。
至明季方中行着伤寒条辨，可谓直登仲景之堂，
独开生面。惜其论温热，亦分阴分阳，治兼寒热，遂为嘉言所宗。
诒按∶喻嘉言尚论温热，有刻意求深之弊，详论于后。
嗟乎！病名温热，自需寒凉。乃千百年来，盈庭聚讼，先后支吾，阳春寡和于汉庭， 篪迭奏于晋室；良
由来派不清，复无体认。不然，岂诸公各是名家，乃甘悖圣矩如是耶。
诒按∶以上论温热病。
若夫夏月暑证，即金匮中湿 ，气蒸之病也。洁古、东垣以动静分阴阳∶动而得之为阳，用白虎，静而得
之为阴，用大顺冷香诸剂。岂知夏月杲杲炎威，有阳无阴，动静不甚相远；惟多食冰果冷物，及恣意房帏，致
伤太阴少阴者，热药可以暂用，岂得视温热之味为通行之药乎。明计部张凤逵着治暑全书，深明理蕴，精确不
磨，虽有小疵，不掩大德，诚可振聋 于千古者也。
诒按∶以上论暑病。春时温病，有伏气暴感两种之不同，夏月之热病亦然。内经云∶凡病伤寒而成温者，
先夏至日者为病温，后夏至日者为病暑。则暑病即伏气发于夏月之病名也。仲景恐与夏月暴感之病相混，故于
暴感者另立 病之名，以别于伏气所发之暑病，亦既苦心而为分明矣。洁古辈徒以阴阳动静 致辨，而于伏
气一层全未道及，舍本逐末，固无足论；张凤逵畅论暑病∶独开生面，而其所论，亦只就暑病之暴感者
言之。诚以温病中之伏气暴感，治法迥殊；暑病则无论暴感伏气，均可以白虎为主方，治法相同，则议论尤易
混淆也。
至王叔和云∶四时不正之气，感则为疫。而大疫之沿门阖境，传染相同者，多在兵荒之后，尸浊秽气，充
斥道路，人在气交，感之而病，气无所异，人病亦同。所以月令于孟春，掩骼埋 ，不敢或后者，圣王早虑及
此耳，非徒泽及枯骨也。后世治疫之法，未有定见。如嘉言上焦如雾，升逐解毒；中焦如沤，疏逐解毒；下焦
如渎，决逐解毒。俟其营卫既通，乘势追拔，勿使潜滋暗长于未尽之时。此固不易之论。然求其反复尽义，直
穷变态者，舍吴又可之言，别无根据傍也。
诒按∶以上论疫病。疫病有各种不同∶如素问所言，五运之气偏胜，则郁伏而为五疫，此寻常之疫病也；
其有兵荒之后，沿门阖户，长幼相似，朝发夕死，医药不及，此非常之疫病也。又可所论，似属寻常之疫病。
前人称其所论，是五疫中之土疫，斯为切当。其所论病情治法，变化百出，有前人所未经道及，而与伏气所发
之温热病相合者甚多；故于下卷证治各条，每采取而论列之。想又可当日，于伏气、疫气两证，未能分晰清楚
，因误指伏气为疫病者，亦复不少∶故其书中论治，虽称疫邪，而方治则每与伏气相合也。
凡是患伤寒病最为严重，而温热病则更加猛烈。伤寒病通常只在冬季发生，而温热病和暑疫病却分别在春、夏、秋三季发作，持续时间既长，患病的人也就更多。如果不明白它们的源头，就无法澄清其流变；不辨别它们的类别，治疗就不能得当。那温热病和暑疫病，都属于热证。就像烈火燎原之下，如果没有清凉的一滴水，用什么来救治呢？人无论古今，本性有相同也有不同之处。有人精神充沛地向往古代圣人，志向高洁如琳琅美玉，于是凭借自己一点微小的光明，在静默中寻求映照。
柳宝诒按：这里指的是《素问·刺热篇》中关于“太阳之脉色荣颧骨”这一节的内容。
上古的圣人，首先重视观察面色和脉象，根据营气已经变化或尚未变化的情况，来判断人的生死，只需几句话就讲清楚了。
柳宝诒按：这里指的是《素问·评热病篇》中“热不为汗衰”这一节的内容。
中古时期的圣人，专门论述谷气的盛衰，以此判断人的生死，也是片言只语便已完备。
柳宝诒按：这里指的是《伤寒论》中关于“风温为病”这一节，其中有提到“小便不利，直视失溲也”等话语。
张仲景是末世（指春秋战国至汉末）的圣人。他既创立了方论，又阐发了未尽的医理，以膀胱功能的损伤与衰竭来判断生死，这与前代圣人的理论前后吻合，毫无遗漏了。
柳宝诒按：这里指的是《伤寒论》中关于“风温为病”一节，有小便不利，直视失溲等语。
然而张仲景在《伤寒论》中，对温热病的治疗方法，详尽地记载其中，黄芩汤、白虎汤等，就是治疗它的方法。学者如果能由此引申发挥，就可以变化无穷。但他们不能仔细考察其中的道理，反而固执地认为这是治疗伤寒的方法；大概是因为思本汤既没有解表的功效，又没有攻里的力量，圣人制定的法则，究竟取法什么呢？
柳宝诒按：得到这个提醒，自然应该恍然大悟。
自从晋朝以来，人们疑神疑鬼，沿袭陋习没有止境。比如崔行标解释温病，使用白术、乌头、细辛、桔梗四味药；再加附子，名叫老君神明散；再加萤火，名叫务成子萤火丸。用热药配合热病，如同火上浇油，谁能分辨其中的谬误呢？
柳宝诒按：这必定是当时有寒疫流行，使用这些药得到了疗效，因而流传下来。
比如张仲景的书里说，太阳病发热且口渴，不恶寒的，称为温病；而朱肱在《活人书》中说，发热恶寒，头疼身痛的才是温病，这显然违背了圣人的训诫。他所设立的五个方剂，如葳蕤汤、知母葛根汤、防己汤、栝蒌根汤、葛根龙胆汤，都是针对风火交炽、燃烧灼热的病症，无止境地使用。后来又修改圣散子，仍然使用附子，苏东坡在黄州时，也称赞过它的疗效；哪里知道朱肱后来三次更改他的方子，改用败毒散，从而远离了热药。然而他的功劳难以抵消他的罪过。
柳宝诒按：败毒散，是通治三个季节感冒的方子，仍然不是治疗温热病的药物。
吴氏认为伤寒坏病，再次遇到温热之气变为温病。洁古老人是伤寒名家；他的儿子云岐，把伤寒经过传经未解的称为温病，指着王叔和的文章说是张仲景的话。赵嗣真说张仲景讲，重感异气，变为温病。汪机说张仲景讲，遇温气为温病，遇温热为温毒。竟然不顾及圣经中明确记载的内容，何曾有过这样的话呢？
柳宝诒按：各家不明白伏邪发温的道理，而把温病当作伤寒的变证，所以对于温热病的源流，越说越远。
巢元方的《诸病源候论》遵循崔行标的解散法：第一天用摩膏火灸；第二天用针刺解散；第三天再发汗；第四天用藜芦丸、瓜蒂散催吐；第五、六天解决未彻底的问题，再用针刺；第七天热邪已进入胃，用鸡蛋汤送下药物。这使得庞安常自己撰写微言，一概以和解为主，奉为灵丹妙药，稍有移动就会失败。巢元方和庞安常这两个人，盲人引路，贻误了多少人。李思训也宗奉和解之法，王海藏称赞他在宋朝全盛时期，明智无人能比，但这评价并不恰当。
柳宝诒按：以上都是治疗伤寒的方法，后人遵用来治疗温热病，贻误不少。
朱丹溪擅长治疗温热病，善于使用凉药，温热病遇到他，自然能够解散。但他对此并没有真正的深刻见解。李东垣不擅长外感病，擅长内伤病，他从《内经》中悟出冬温、春温两个概念，喻嘉言极力赞叹颂扬，但在用药上却不能丝丝入扣。
柳宝诒按：丹溪、东垣所论述的，不过是一点微小的光明，对于温热病的治疗方法，仍然未能从源头上透彻领悟。
等到刘河间著《伤寒直格》，对于热病多有深入事理的谈论。然而混在正伤寒之中，需要读者自己去甄别选择，不免像金屑混杂在泥沙中一样。
柳宝诒按：温热病的治疗方法，自张仲景以后，没有一个人找到门径。直到河间才开始有清泄邪热的方法，与张仲景的黄芩汤、白虎汤的治疗，前后相符。可惜他在疏邪化热等各种方法上，还不能随证变化，穷尽病情。
到了明代末年，方中行著《伤寒条辨》，可以说直接登堂入室进入张仲景的境界，独开生面。可惜他论述温热病时，也分为阴分和阳分，治疗兼顾寒热，于是被喻嘉言所宗奉。
柳宝诒按：喻嘉言尚论温热病，有刻意求深的弊病，详细论述在后面。
唉！病名既然叫温热，自然需要寒凉药物治疗。然而千百年来，众说纷纭，先后含糊不清，汉代宫廷中阳春白雪少有人和，晋室朝廷中下里巴人互相唱和；确实是因为流派不清，又没有切实的认识。不然，那些各位自称名家的医生，怎么会甘愿违背圣人的规矩到这种地步呢？
柳宝诒按：以上论述温热病。
至于夏天的暑证，就是《金匮要略》中提到的湿蒸之气熏蒸的疾病。洁古、东垣用动静来区分阴阳：动而得之为阳证，用白虎汤；静而得之为阴证，用大顺汤、冷香饮子等药剂。哪里知道夏天烈日炎炎，只有阳气没有阴气，动静差别不大；只有多吃冰果冷物，以及肆意房事，导致损伤太阴、少阴的，才可以暂时使用热药，怎么能把温热病的药当作通用药呢？明代计部张凤逵著《治暑全书》，深明道理，精确不可磨灭，虽然有小瑕疵，但不掩大德，确实是能唤醒千古聋聩的著作。
柳宝诒按：以上论述暑病。春天的温病，有伏气和暴感两种的不同，夏天的热病也是如此。《内经》说：凡是患伤寒病而变成温病的，先夏至日发生的叫病温，后夏至日发生的叫病暑。那么暑病就是伏邪在夏季发作的病名。张仲景恐怕与夏季暴感的病相混淆，所以在暴感者另立瘅病的名称，以区别于伏邪所发的暑病，这也算是苦心加以区分了。洁古等人仅仅用阴阳动静来辨析，而对于伏气这一层完全没有提及，舍本逐末，本来就不值得讨论；张凤逵畅论暑病，独开生面，而他的论述，也只就暑病的暴感者而言。确实因为温病中的伏气和暴感，治疗方法截然不同；暑病则无论暴感还是伏气，都可以白虎汤为主方，治疗方法相同，所以议论更容易混淆。
至于王叔和说：四时不正之气，感受了就成为疫病。而大疫沿着门户、遍及全城，传染相同的，多在战乱饥荒之后，尸体腐烂污浊之气，充斥道路，人在气交之中，感受它就生病，气没有不同，人得的病也一样。所以《月令》在孟春时节，掩埋骸骨，不敢有丝毫落后，圣王早就考虑到这一点，不仅仅是恩泽惠及枯骨罢了。后世治疗疫病的方法，没有定见。比如喻嘉言说上焦如雾，升提驱逐解毒；中焦如沤，疏通驱逐解毒；下焦如渎，决断驱逐解毒。等到营卫通畅，乘势追击拔除，不要让它在未尽之时潜滋暗长。这固然是不易之论。然而要求反复穷尽义理，直接探究病变规律的，除了吴又可的话，别无依据。
柳宝诒按：以上论述疫病。疫病有各种不同：如《素问》所言，五运之气偏胜，则郁伏而为五疫，这是寻常的疫病；那种在战乱饥荒之后，沿门阖户，老少相似，早晨发病晚上死亡，医药不及的，是非常的疫病。吴又可所论述的，似乎属于寻常的疫病。前人称赞他的论述，是五疫中的土疫，这才是恰当的。他所论述的病情治法，变化百出，有前人未曾提及的，而与伏邪所发的温热病相合的很多；所以在下卷证治各条中，每采取并论述它。想吴又可当日，对于伏气、疫气两证，未能分晰清楚，因此误指伏气为疫病的，也有不少：所以他的书中论治，虽然称疫邪，而方治则每每与伏气相合。
Whenever one contracts Shanghan (Cold Damage), it is the most severe; whereas Wenre (Warmth Pathogens) are even more fierce. Shanghan typically occurs only in winter, while Wenre and Shuyi (Summerheat-Epidemic diseases) manifest in spring, summer, and autumn respectively. Since their duration is long, the number of patients increases. If one does not understand their origin, the stream cannot be cleared; if one does not distinguish their categories, treatment will not be appropriate. Wenre and Shuyi are all heat syndromes. Under a prairie fire, without a single drop of coolness, how can it be treated? People, regardless of ancient or modern times, have natures that are both similar and different. Some possess spiritual vigor akin to the sages of old, with aspirations as fine as jade, so they rely on a tiny spark of illumination to seek reflection in stillness.
Liu Baoyi notes: This refers to the section in *Suwen: Ci Re Pian* regarding "Taiyang pulse color shining on the cheekbones."
The sages of antiquity prioritized observing facial complexion and pulse, determining life and death based on whether Ying Qi (Nutritive Qi) had changed or not, concluding with just a few words.
Liu Baoyi notes: This refers to the section in *Suwen: Ping Re Bing Pian* regarding "Heat not subsiding after sweating."
The sages of the middle ages specialized in discussing the prosperity and decline of Gu Qi (Grain Qi) to determine life and death, also concluding with brief statements.
Liu Baoyi notes: This refers to the section in *Shanghan Lun* regarding "Fengwen disease," which mentions phrases such as "difficulty in urination, fixed staring, and loss of urine control."
Zhang Zhongjing was a sage of the later era. Having established formula theories, he further revealed hidden medical principles, using the injury and exhaustion of the Bladder organ to determine life and death, aligning perfectly with previous sages' teachings, leaving no room for omission.
Liu Baoyi notes: This refers to the section in *Shanghan Lun* regarding "Fengwen disease," containing phrases like "difficulty in urination, fixed staring, and loss of urine control."
However, Zhang Zhongjing meticulously recorded methods for treating Wenre in *Shanghan Lun*, such as Huangqin Tang (Scutellaria Decoction) and Baihu Tang (White Tiger Decoction). If scholars could extend this meaning, they could apply infinite variations. Yet, failing to examine the principles carefully, they stubbornly regarded these as methods for treating Shanghan. Given that Siben Tang lacks exterior-releasing efficacy and interior-purging power, what purpose do the sages' established laws serve?
Liu Baoyi notes: With this reminder, one should naturally have a sudden enlightenment.
Since the Jin Dynasty, people have been suspicious and superstitious, perpetuating ignorance without end. For instance, Cui Xingbiao's explanation of Wenre used four herbs: Baizhu (Atractylodis Rhizoma), Wutou (Aconiti Radix), Xixin (Asari Radix et Rhizoma), and Jiegeng (Platycodonis Radix); adding Fuzi (Aconiti Lateralis Radix Praeparata), it was named Laojun Shenming San; adding Yinghuo (Lampyridis), it was named Wuchengzi Yinghuo Wan. Using hot herbs for heat conditions is like adding fuel to fire; who can discern the error?
Liu Baoyi notes: This must be because a cold epidemic was prevalent at the time, and these remedies proved effective, leading to their transmission.
For example, Zhang Zhongjing's book states that Taiyang disease presenting with fever, thirst, and aversion to coldlessness is called Wenbing (Warm Disease); but Zhu Gong's *Huoren Shu* stated that fever, aversion to cold, headache, and body pain constitute Wenbing, which clearly contradicts the sages' instructions. His prescribed formulas, such as Weirui Tang (Melissa Decoction), Zhimu Gegen Tang (Anemarrhenae and Puerariae Decoction), Fangji Tang (Stephaniae Decoction), Gualougen Tang (Trichosanthis Radix Decoction), and Gegen Longdan Tang (Puerariae and Gentianae Decoction), addressed wind-fire blazing incessantly. He later modified Shengsan Zi, still using Fuzi (Aconiti Lateralis Radix Praeparata); Su Dongpo, while in Huangzhou, praised its efficacy. Little did he know that Zhu Gong had revised his formula three times, switching to Baidu San (Decoction for Overcoming Toxins) to distance himself from hot herbs. Nevertheless, his merits cannot outweigh his faults.
Liu Baoyi notes: Baidu San is a formula for treating common colds across three seasons, not specifically for Wenre diseases.
Wu Shi argued that complicated Shanghan contracting warm pathogens becomes Wenbing. Jiegu Laoren (Li Dongyuan's teacher/father figure contextually, often referring to Li Gao/Jiegu) was a master of Shanghan; his son Yunqi defined Wenbing as Shanghan that failed to resolve after passing through meridians, attributing Wang Shuhe's text to Zhang Zhongjing. Zhao Sizhen claimed Zhang Zhongjing said contracting abnormal qi again transforms into Wenbing. Wang Ji claimed Zhang Zhongjing said encountering warm qi is Wenbing, encountering warm-heat is Wendu (Warm Toxic). They completely ignored the canonical texts, where such words never appeared.
Liu Baoyi notes: Various schools fail to understand the principle of latent qi causing warmth, instead viewing Wenbing as a transformation of Shanghan, thus drifting further from the source of warm-heat diseases.
Chao Yuanfang's *Bingyuan* followed Cui Xingbiao's dispersal method: Day 1, massage ointment and moxibustion; Day 2, acupuncture to disperse; Day 3, induce sweating; Day 4, use Lili Wan (Veratrum Pill) and Gouti San (Cucumeris Fructus Powder) to vomit; Days 5-6, address unresolved issues with acupuncture; Day 7, if heat enters the Stomach, administer medicine via Egg Soup. This led Pang Anchang to write his own concise theories, adhering strictly to harmonization as a sacred law, failing if deviated. Chao and Pang, blind leading the blind, caused immense harm. Li Sixun also advocated harmonization; Wang Haizang praised him as the wisest in the Song Dynasty, but this comparison was inappropriate.
Liu Baoyi notes: The above are Shanghan treatments; later generations applied them to Wenre, causing significant errors.
Danyu (Zhu Danxi) excelled in treating Wenre, skillfully using cooling herbs, allowing Wenre to dissipate naturally. However, he lacked profound insight into the matter. Dongyuan (Li Dongyuan) was weak in external contractions but strong in internal injuries. He derived the concepts of Winter Warmth and Spring Warmth from *Neijing*. Jiayan (Yu Jia Yan) praised him highly, yet his herbal prescriptions were not precise enough.
Liu Baoyi notes: Danyu and Dongyuan offered only glimpses of truth; they failed to thoroughly comprehend the treatment principles of Wenre from the source.
When Liu Hejian wrote *Shanghan Zhige*, he discussed heat diseases with deep theoretical insight. However, mixing them with standard Shanghan required readers to discriminate, much like gold dust mixed with mud.
Liu Baoyi notes: After Zhang Zhongjing, no one found the path for treating Wenre until Hejian introduced clearing and draining pathogenic heat, aligning with Zhang Zhongjing's Huangqin Tang and Baihu Tang. Unfortunately, he could not vary methods flexibly according to symptoms to fully address the condition.
In the late Ming Dynasty, Fang Zhongxing wrote *Shanghan Tiaobian*, reaching Zhang Zhongjing's hall and opening new grounds. Regrettably, when discussing Wenre, he divided it into Yin and Yang aspects, treating both cold and heat, thus becoming the model for Jiayan.
Liu Baoyi notes: Yu Jiayan's discussion on Wenre suffers from the flaw of seeking depth artificially, detailed later.
Alas! Named "Warmth," it inherently requires cold-cooling treatments. Yet for thousands of years, debates raged, hesitations persisted. High art found few listeners in the Han court, while popular tunes echoed in the Jin palace. Indeed, unclear lineages and lack of genuine understanding explain why self-proclaimed experts would blatantly violate sages' rules.
Liu Baoyi notes: The above discusses Wenre diseases.
Regarding summer heat syndromes, they are the damp-steam steaming illnesses mentioned in *Jinkui Yaolue*. Jiegu and Dongyuan distinguished Yin and Yang by movement and stillness: obtained through activity is Yang, treated with Baihu Tang; obtained through stillness is Yin, treated with Dashun Tang and Lengxiang Yinzi. They failed to realize that summer sun is intense, possessing Yang without Yin, with little difference between activity and stillness. Only when excessive consumption of ice/cold foods or sexual indulgence injures the Taiyin and Shaoyin meridions can hot herbs be temporarily used. One cannot treat Wenre herbs as universal remedies. Minister Zhang Fengkui of the Ming Dynasty wrote *Zhishu Quanshu*, deeply understanding principles with unshakeable precision. Though minor flaws exist, they do not obscure great virtue; it truly awakens the deaf and dull of past millennia.
Liu Baoyi notes: The above discusses Summerheat diseases. Spring Wenbing differs in having latent qi vs. acute contraction; summer heat diseases are similar. *Neijing* states: Shanghan transforming into warmth before the Summer Solstice is Bingwen; after is Bingchu. Thus, Bingchu is the name for latent qi manifesting in summer. Zhang Zhongjing, fearing confusion with acute summer contractions, established the name Danbing (Crimson Heat) for acute cases to distinguish from latent Bingchu. This was a careful distinction. Jiegu et al.辨析 solely by Yin/Yang and movement/stillness, ignoring latent qi entirely, pursuing the trivial and neglecting the essential. Zhang Fengkui opened new ground discussing summer heat, but focused only on acute cases. Indeed, latent and acute Wenbing require vastly different treatments; however, for Bingchu, whether acute or latent, Baihu Tang is the primary formula, making discussions easily confused.
As for Wang Shuhe saying: Abnormal qi of the four seasons, when contracted, becomes Yi (Epidemic). Large epidemics spreading door-to-door, with identical transmission, mostly occur after war and famine, where rotting corpses and foul air fill roads. Humans in this qi-jiao (interaction of qi) contract illness; the qi is not different, but the disease is the same. Hence, *Yueling* instructs burying bones in early spring, not lagging behind, as sages foresaw this, not merely showing mercy to dry bones. Later generations lacked definitive views on treating Yi. For example, Jiayan stated: Upper jiao like mist, ascend and purge toxins; Middle jiao like fermentation, vent and purge toxins; Lower jiao like drain,决断 and purge toxins. Wait for Ying and Wei to flow, then pursue and extract, preventing latent growth. This is sound theory. However, for exhaustive exploration of transformations, Wu Youke's words provide the only basis.
Liu Baoyi notes: The above discusses Epidemic diseases. Epidemics vary: *Suwen* mentions five transports' excess causing depression and becoming Five Yis, which are ordinary epidemics. Those after war/famine, affecting households, young and old similarly, dying morning to night, beyond medical help, are extraordinary epidemics. Wu Youke's discussion seems to belong to ordinary epidemics. Predecessors correctly identified his discussion as Earth Yi among the Five Yis. His described conditions and treatments varied greatly, including points previously unmentioned and aligning closely with latent qi-induced Wenre. Thus, I adopted and discussed them in the lower volume. Presumably, Wu Youke failed to clearly distinguish between latent qi and epidemic qi, mistakenly identifying latent qi as epidemic qi frequently. Therefore, although his book discusses Yi pathogens, his formulas often align with latent qi treatments.