一纂伤寒书者众矣知尊仲景书而遗后贤续法者好古之过也类证诸书是也惟俗眼之便而雅俗杂陈溜渑莫辨使世不知
孰为仲景者俗工之谬也琐言蕴要诸书是也惟娄氏纲目列六经正病于前而次合病并病汗吐下后诸坏病于后又次之以四时
感异气而变者与妇婴终焉而每条之中备列仲景法然后以后贤续法附之既该括百家又不相淆杂义例之善无出其右此书篇
目大抵因之
一王叔和编次张仲景伤寒论立三阳三阴篇其立三阳篇之例凡仲景曰太阳病者入太阳篇曰阳明病者入阳明篇曰少阳
病者入少阳篇其立三阴篇亦根据三阳之例各如太阴少阴厥阴之名入其篇也其或仲景不称三阳三阴之名但曰伤寒某病用某
方主之而杂分其篇者则病属阳证发热结胸痞气蓄血衄血之类皆混入太阳篇病属阴证厥逆下利呕吐之类皆混入厥阴篇也
惟燥屎及屎硬不大便大便难等证虽不称名独入阳明篇者由此证类属阳明胃实非太阳厥阴可入故独入阳明也所以然者由
太阳为三阳之首凡阳明少阴之病皆自太阳传来故诸阳证不称名者皆入其篇厥阴为三阴之尾凡太阴少阴之病皆至厥阴传
极故诸阴证不称名皆入其篇后人不悟是理遂皆谓太阳篇诸证不称名者亦属太阳而乱太阳病之真厥阴篇诸证不称名者亦
属厥阴而乱厥阴病之真为大失仲景之法也今于各证分经处尚多仍叔和之旧学人当以意神而明之
一仲景立法凡曰太阳病者皆谓脉浮头项强痛恶寒也凡曰阳明病者皆谓胃家实也凡曰少阳病者皆谓口苦咽干目眩也
凡曰太阴病者皆谓腹满时痛吐利也凡曰少阴病者皆谓脉微细但欲寐也凡曰厥阴病者皆谓气上撞心痛吐蛔也候如少阴病
不一一逐条曰脉微细但欲寐而总用少阴病三字括之者省文也故各条或曰少阴病反发热脉沉用麻黄附子细辛汤者谓脉沉
细但欲寐而又反发热者用其方也或曰少阴病得之二三日以上心烦不卧用黄连阿胶汤者谓得脉微细但欲寐二三日后变心
烦不卧者用其方也后人不悟是理遂皆不察少阴病三字所括脉微细但欲寐之证但见发热脉沉便用麻黄附子细辛汤见心烦
不卧便用黄连阿胶汤尤为大失仲景之法也
一解释仲景书者惟成无己最为详明虽随文顺释自相矛盾者时或有之亦白璧微瑕固无损于连城也后此赵嗣真张兼善
之流皆有发明并可为成氏忠臣张公耳孙故多采掇使学人一览洞然而一得之愚亦时附焉其文义浅近不必训释者则一切省
之内一字赵者嗣真也张者兼善也黄者仲理也活者朱肱活人书也庞者安时也许者叔微学士也本者许之本事方也韩者 和
也孙者兆也洁者洁古张元素也云者洁古之子云岐子也垣者李东垣也丹者朱丹溪也海者王海藏也王者履也罗者天益也戴
者元礼也娄者全善也吴者绶也陶者华也其不系姓字者自篇首辨证数语之外皆仲景论文也
一仲景诸方动以斤计而又有称升合枚者古今度量衡轻重长短不同难以遵用局方纲目又一切裁损每服五钱则失之太
小陶氏吴氏书尽变古方以便时用则其失更远矣今书方药分两一切仍仲景之旧增损出入又当视病情时令神而明之一切古
方皆当如是施用不独仲景书也知此则又何以轻变古法为哉陈无择以钱谱推测度量衡法颇协时宜今引其说于此用古方者
宜详考焉凡度者分寸尺丈引本以一黍之广为分十分为寸十寸为尺十尺为丈十丈为引观今之尺数等不同如周尺长八寸京
尺长一尺六寸淮尺长一尺二寸乐尺长一尺二寸五分并以小尺为率小尺既自三微起却自可准唐武德年铸开元钱径八分当
十二钱半得一尺排钱比之十一个已及一尺又不知唐用何尺顾汉唐龠量并用尺寸分布尺寸如是不齐将何凭据博古君子必
有说矣凡量者龠合升斗斛本以黄钟龠容十二铢合龠为合重二十四铢今以钱准则六铢钱四个比开元钱三个重升斗斛皆垒
而成数汉唐同用至赵宋绍兴升容千二百铢则古文六铢钱二百个开元钱一百五十个以绍兴一升得汉五升其余私有不足计
也凡衡者铢两斤钧石亦以黄钟龠所容重十二铢两之为两二十四铢为两十六两为斤三十斤为钧四钧为石每两则古文六铢
钱四个开元钱三个至赵宋广秤以开元钱十个为两今之三两得汉唐十两明矣千金本草皆以古三两为今一两以古三升为今
一升诸药类例尤为难辨且如半夏一升准五两不知用何升何两此修合制度之要务不可不知汉铜钱质如周钱文曰半两重如
其文孝文五年钱益多而轻乃更铸四铢其文曰半两杂以铅铁锡非淆杂伪巧则不得赢而奸或盗磨钱质取熔有司言钱轻重请
郡国铸五铢钱周郭有质令不得磨取熔则知汉以二半两钱为两重十铢明矣汉唐例以二十四铢为一两抑未知修史人改作唐
例亦不可知观钱谱汉无六铢钱至唐方有今以五铢钱十六个正得开元钱十个重又以六铢钱十二个正得开元钱九个重则知
开元钱每个以重八铢唐武德四年铸开元通宝径八分重二铢四 积十钱为两似难考据明食货者必有说焉按药书汉方汤液
大剂三十余两小剂十有余两水六升或七升多煎取二升三升并分三服若以古龠量水七升煎今之三十两未淹得过况散末药
只服方寸刀圭匕丸子如梧桐大极至三十粒汤液岂得如此悬绝又以风引汤一剂计五十五两每两只用三指撮水三升煮三沸
去滓温服一升观其煮制每只三指撮 不应料剂如此之多此又可疑也今以臆说汉方当用半两钱二枚为一两且以术附汤方较
若用汉两计一百八十铢得开元钱二十二个半重若分三服已是今之七钱半重一服若以唐方准计三百三十六铢得开元钱四
十二个重每服计今之十四钱重大略可知若以开元钱准得一百单五个重分三服每服计三十五钱重此犹是小剂况有大剂名
件两数之多者未易概举留心此道幸少详焉吴绶曰凡方称铢者二十四铢为两一两分为四分六铢为一分计二钱五分也称字
者一钱有四字一字计二分五厘也世有古今时有冬春地有南北药有良犷人有强弱不可执一且如大陷胸汤用大黄六两今用
六钱足矣若人壮病大者宜之人弱病小者又当减半或只用三四之一可也芒硝一升今用二三钱足矣甘遂二两只可用一分或
半分而已若无活法通变而胶柱鼓瑟未有不至于杀人者慎之慎之
一内经云风雨寒暑不得虚邪不能独伤人至于丹溪又云伤寒属内伤者十居八九当以补元气为主由是言之后人治伤寒
者既皆识仲景之法不尽又不知其病本于内伤虚劳而思补养但用汗下致死者其杀人何异刀剑兴言至此切骨痛心今虽以后
贤补养之法附载于篇而书不尽言言不尽意尤望临病之工重人命而惧阴谴熟玩此书无疑于心而后下手用药即不能然宁过
于谨护元气无孟浪汗下而后庶几乎少失也
一屠鹏四时治要云凡欲知阴别阳须当观脉论形视喘息听音声而治病所苦按尺寸观权衡而知病所生然后知其虚实得
其本末更精加察审徐徐取之如仲景活人书下证俱备当行大承气汤必先以小承气汤试之合用大柴胡必先以小柴胡试之及
阴证晓然合用四逆汤必先以理中汤真武汤之属试之此皆大贤得重敌之要学人其可不审乎按汤剂丸散生灵之司命也死生
寿夭伤寒之瞬息也岂以试为言哉盖与其躁暴而多虞宁若重敌而无失鸡峰张锐者宋之神医也疗一伤寒诊脉察色皆为热极
煮承气汤欲饮复疑至于再三如有掣其肘者姑持药以待病者忽发战悸覆绵衾四五重始稍定有汗如洗明目脱然使其药入口
则人已毙矣由是观之则屠氏之探试虽非仲景本旨得非粗工之龟鉴欤
【凡例】
编纂伤寒著作的人很多,那些只知道尊崇张仲景的《伤寒论》而忽略后世贤人补充治法的人,是崇尚古法过了头,就像《类证活人书》等书籍那样;而那些只图世俗读者方便、雅俗混杂、良莠不分、使人难以分辨哪些是张仲景原意的人,则是庸医的错误,像《琐言蕴要》等书籍那样。只有娄全善先生的《纲目》,将六经的正病列在前面,接着列出合病、并病以及经过汗、吐、下法治疗后产生的各种坏病,再后面列出因四时感受不同邪气而变化的病症,最后以妇女和婴儿的病症结束。在每一条中,都详细列出张仲景的治法,然后将后世贤人的补充治法附在后面。这样既包罗了百家之长,又不相互混淆,其义例之精妙,没有能超过它的。本书的篇目大体上沿用了此书的结构。
王叔和编次张仲景的《伤寒论》,设立三阳和三阴篇。他设立三阳篇的规则是:凡是张仲景称为“太阳病”的,就归入太阳篇;称为“阳明病”的,归入阳明篇;称为“少阳病”的,归入少阳篇。设立三阴篇也遵循三阳篇的规则,分别以太阴、少阴、厥阴的名称归入各自的篇章。如果张仲景不称三阳三阴的名字,只说“伤寒某病,用某方主治”,并且分散在各篇中的,那么属于阳证的发热、结胸、痞气、蓄血、鼻衄等症状,都混入太阳篇;属于阴证的厥逆、下利、呕吐等症状,都混入厥阴篇。只有燥屎、大便硬、不大便、大便难等证候,虽然不称名字,唯独归入阳明篇,是因为这些证候类别属于阳明胃实,不属于太阳或厥阴可以归入的范围,所以唯独归入阳明篇。之所以这样,是因为太阳是三阳之首,凡是阳明、少阴的病,都是从太阳传变而来,所以所有不称名字的阳证都归入太阳篇;厥阴是三阴之末,凡是太阴、少阴的病,都会传到厥阴达到极点,所以所有不称名字的阴证都归入厥阴篇。后人不明白这个道理,于是都认为太阳篇中不称名字的证候也属于太阳病,从而扰乱了太阳病的真相;认为厥阴篇中不称名字的证候也属于厥阴病,从而扰乱了厥阴病的真相,这大大违背了张仲景的法度。现在在各证候分经的地方,大多仍保留王叔和的旧制,学习者应当用心体悟,使之明晰。
张仲景确立法则,凡是说“太阳病”的,都是指脉浮、头项强痛、恶寒。凡是说“阳明病”的,都是指胃家实。凡是说“少阳病”的,都是指口苦、咽干、目眩。凡是说“太阴病”的,都是指腹满、时痛、吐利。凡是说“少阴病”的,都是指脉微细、但欲寐。凡是说“厥阴病”的,都是指气上撞心、心中疼热、吐蛔。像少阴病不止一种情况,并不逐条都说“脉微细、但欲寐”,而是总用“少阴病”三个字来概括,这是省略文字的缘故。所以各条文中,如果说“少阴病反发热,脉沉,用麻黄附子细辛汤”,是指脉沉细、但欲寐而又反发热的人,使用这个方剂。如果说“少阴病得之二三日以上,心烦不得卧,用黄连阿胶汤”,是指得了脉微细、但欲寐两三天后,变为心烦不得卧的人,使用这个方剂。后人不明白这个道理,于是都不考察“少阴病”三个字所概括的脉微细、但欲寐的证候,只要见到发热、脉沉就用麻黄附子细辛汤,见到心烦不得卧就用黄连阿胶汤,这更是大大违背了张仲景的法度。
解释张仲景著作的人,只有成无己最为详尽明了,虽然随着文意顺释,有时自相矛盾,但也只是白璧微瑕,确实无损于其如连城宝玉般珍贵的价值。此后赵嗣真、张兼善等人都有发明创造,都可以成为成无己的忠臣(追随者),所以我多采纳他们的观点,使学习者一目了然,偶尔也会附上我的一点愚见。对于文义浅近、不必训释的内容,则一概省去。其中,“赵”指嗣真,“张”指兼善,“黄”指仲理,“活”指朱肱的《活人书》,“庞”指安时,“许”指叔微学士,“本”指许叔微的《本事方》,“韩”指韩和,“孙”指孙兆,“洁”指洁古张元素,“云”指洁古之子云岐子,“垣”指李东垣,“丹”指朱丹溪,“海”指王海藏,“王”指王履,“罗”指罗天益,“戴”指戴元礼,“娄”指娄全善,“吴”指吴绶,“陶”指陶华。不属于姓氏字眼的,除了篇首辨证数语之外,都是张仲景的原文。
张仲景的各个方剂,有的以斤计算,还有以升、合、枚计算的。古今度量衡的轻重长短不同,难以遵照使用。官方颁布的《局方》和《纲目》又一切裁减,每服五钱,这就失之太小。陶华氏、吴绶氏的书完全改变古方以适应当时用法,那错误就更远了。现在本书的方药分量,一切仍保留张仲景的旧制,增减出入应当根据病情和时令,用心体悟,使之明晰。一切古方都应当这样施用,不只是张仲景的书如此。懂得这一点,又怎么会轻易改变古法呢?陈无择用《钱谱》推测度量衡法,颇为符合时宜,现在引用他的说法于此,使用古方的人应该详细考证。
关于长度单位:分寸尺丈引,原本以一黍之广为一分,十分为一寸,十寸为一尺,十尺为一丈,十丈为一引。观察现在的尺数各不相同,例如周尺长八寸,京尺长一尺六寸,淮尺长一尺二寸,乐尺长一尺二寸五分,都以小尺为标准。小尺既然从三微开始,却可以为准。唐武德年间铸造的开元钱,直径八分,当十二个半钱重得一尺。排列钱币比较,十一个已及一尺,又不知道唐代用什么尺。至于汉唐的龠量,并用尺寸分布,尺寸如果不齐,凭借什么依据?博古君子一定有说法。
关于容量单位:龠、合、升、斗、斛,原本以黄钟龠容纳十二铢,合龠为合,重二十四铢。现在用钱准则,六铢钱四个比开元钱三个重。升、斗、斛都是累积而成整数,汉唐通用。到了赵宋绍兴年间,一升容纳一千二百铢,即古文六铢钱二百个,开元钱一百五十个,因为绍兴一升相当于汉代的五升,其余私有的不足计算。
关于重量单位:铢、两、斤、钧、石,也以黄钟龠所容重十二铢为基础。两之为两,二十四铢为两,十六两为斤,三十斤为钧,四钧为石。每两则是古文六铢钱四个,开元钱三个。到了赵宋广秤,以开元钱十个为一两,现在的三两相当于汉唐的十两,这是明显的。《千金方》和《本草》都以古三两为今一两,古三升为今一升,各类药物的比例尤其难以辨别。例如半夏一升准五两,不知道用的是何升何两,这是修合制度的重要事务,不可不知。
汉代铜钱质地如周钱,文字曰“半两”,重量如其文字。孝文帝五年,钱增多而轻,于是更铸四铢钱,文字曰“半两”,掺杂铅铁锡。如果不是淆杂伪巧,就不能获利,或者有人盗窃磨取钱质熔炼。有关部门说钱轻重不一,请求郡国铸造五铢钱,周边有廓,使其有实体,令不得磨取熔炼。由此可知汉代以两个半两钱为一两,重十铢,这是明确的。汉唐惯例以二十四铢为一两,但不确定是否是修史人改作唐例,也不可得知。观察《钱谱》,汉代没有六铢钱,到唐代才有。现在以五铢钱十六个正好得到开元钱十个重,又以六铢钱十二个正好得到开元钱九个重,由此可知开元钱每个重八铢。唐武德四年铸造开元通宝,直径八分,重二铢四,积累十钱为一两,似乎难以考据。明代理财的人一定有说法。
按药书记载,汉代方剂汤液,大剂三十余两,小剂十有余两,用水六升或七升,多煎取二升三升,并分三次服用。如果用古龠量水七升,煎煮现在的三十两,恐怕无法浸没得过。况且散末药只服方寸刀圭匕丸子,如梧桐大小,极至三十粒,汤液岂能如此悬殊?又以风引汤一剂计五十五两,每只只用三指撮,水三升煮三沸,去滓温服一升。观察其煮制,每只三指撮,不应料剂如此之多,这又可疑。现在凭臆测,汉代方剂应当用半两钱二枚为一两。且以术附汤方比较,如果用汉两计算,一百八十铢,得开元钱二十二个半重,若分三次服用,已是现在的七钱半重。如果以唐代方剂标准计算,三百三十六铢,得开元钱四十二个重,每服计现在的十四钱重,大致可知。如果以开元钱为准,得一百零五个重,分三次服用,每服计三十五钱重,这还是小剂,何况有大剂名件两数众多的,不易一一列举。留心此道的人希望稍微详细考察。
吴绶说:凡是方剂称铢的,二十四铢为一两,一两分为四分,六铢为一分,计二钱五分。称字的,一钱有四字,一字计二分五厘。世间有古今时间之分,有冬春季节之别,有南北地域之差,药有良劣之分,人有强弱之别,不可执一不变。例如大陷胸汤用大黄六两,现在用六钱足够了。如果人壮病大者适宜,人弱病小者又应当减半,或者只用三四之一即可。芒硝一升,现在用二三钱足够了。甘遂二两,只可用一分或半分而已。如果没有活法通变,而胶柱鼓瑟,未有不至于杀人的。谨慎啊,谨慎啊!
《内经》说:“风雨寒暑,不得虚邪,不能独伤人。”至于朱丹溪又说:“伤寒属内伤者十居八九,当以补元气为主。”由这样的话来看,后人治疗伤寒的人,既然都认识张仲景的法度却不尽通,又不知道病本于内伤虚劳而思补养,但只用汗下法导致死亡的,这与用刀剑杀人有什么区别?说起这些,切骨痛心。现在虽然以后贤补养之法附载于篇,但书不尽言,言不尽意,尤其希望临证医生重视人命,畏惧阴谴,熟玩此书,无疑于心,然后下手用药。即使不能做到完美,宁可过于谨慎保护元气,不要孟浪使用汗下法,这样或许能少些失误。
屠鹏在《四时治要》中说:凡是想要区分阴阳,必须观察脉象,论述形体,视喘息,听音声,按照治病所苦,按尺寸,观权衡,而知病所生,然后知其虚实,得其本末,更加精心察审,徐徐取之。如张仲景《活人书》所说,下证俱备当行大承气汤,必须先以小承气汤试之;合用大柴胡,必先以小柴胡试之;及阴证晓然,合用四逆汤,必先以理中汤、真武汤之属试之。这些都是大贤获得战胜重病的关键学问,学习者怎能不审慎呢?按汤剂丸散是生灵的主宰,死生寿夭在伤寒的瞬息之间,岂能以“试”来说呢?大概与其躁暴而多有忧患,不如慎重对待而无失误。鸡峰张锐,是宋代的神医,治疗一个伤寒患者,诊脉察色皆为热极,煮承气汤欲饮,又怀疑,以至于再三,如有拉扯他手臂的人阻止。姑且持药等待病人,忽然病人发战悸,覆盖绵被四五层,才稍定,有汗如洗,明目脱然。如果让药入口,人已经死了。由此看来,屠氏的探试方法,虽然不是张仲景的本意,难道不是粗工医生的借鉴吗?
[General Rules]
There are many who have compiled books on Shanghan (Cold Damage). Those who only revere Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan Lun* while ignoring the supplementary treatments of later sages commit the error of excessive antiquarianism, as seen in books like *Leizheng Huoren Shu* (Classified Symptoms and the Living Person's Book); those who merely cater to popular convenience, mixing elegant and vulgar contents indistinguishably, thereby confusing readers about what truly belongs to Zhang Zhongjing, fall into the errors of mediocre practitioners, as seen in books like *Suoyan Yunsuo*. Only Mr. Lou Quanshan's *Gangmu* lists the primary diseases of the Six Channels at the forefront, followed by combined diseases, concurrent diseases, and various deteriorated conditions resulting from sweating, vomiting, or purging therapies; subsequently, it covers variations caused by seasonal pathogens, concluding with diseases specific to women and infants. Within each item, Zhang Zhongjing's methods are listed in detail, followed by supplementary methods from later sages. This approach encompasses the strengths of a hundred schools without confusion, and its logical structure is unsurpassed. The chapter arrangement of this book largely follows this work.
Wang Shuhe, in compiling Zhang Zhongjing's *Shanghan Lun*, established chapters for the Three Yang and Three Yin channels. His rule for the Three Yang chapters was: any condition Zhang Zhongjing termed "Taiyang Disease" was placed in the Taiyang chapter; "Yangming Disease" in the Yangming chapter; and "Shaoyang Disease" in the Shaoyang chapter. The Three Yin chapters followed the same logic, categorizing diseases under their respective names: Taoyin, Shaoyin, and Jueyin. However, if Zhang Zhongjing did not use these channel names but instead described a specific disease or formula within mixed chapters, conditions belonging to Yang syndromes—such as fever, chest binding (Jie Xiong), epigastric fullness/stuffiness (Pi Qi), blood stasis (Xu Xue), and nasal bleeding (Nü Xue)—were grouped into the Taiyang chapter. Conditions belonging to Yin syndromes—such as cold extremities (Jue Ni), diarrhea (Xia Li), and vomiting (Ou Tu)—were grouped into the Jueyin chapter. Exceptions included conditions like dry feces, hard stool, inability to defecate, and difficult defecation, which were uniquely placed in the Yangming chapter because they belong to Yangming Stomach Excess (Wei Shi) and do not fit Taiyang or Jueyin. This is because Taiyang is the head of the Three Yang; all Yangming and Shaoyin diseases typically transmit from Taiyang, so uncategorized Yang conditions were placed there. Conversely, Jueyin is the tail of the Three Yin; all Taoyin and Shaoyin diseases eventually transmit to Jueyin, so uncategorized Yin conditions were placed there. Later scholars failed to understand this principle, mistakenly assuming that uncategorized conditions in the Taiyang chapter belonged to Taiyang disease, thus distorting the true nature of Taiyang pathology, and similarly misinterpreting Jueyin chapter conditions, greatly deviating from Zhang Zhongjing's methodology. In this book, regarding the classification of symptoms by channel, we largely retain Wang Shuhe's original arrangement, but learners should strive to comprehend the underlying logic clearly.
Zhang Zhongjing established diagnostic criteria: whenever he stated "Taiyang Disease," he referred to floating pulse (Mai Fu), stiffness and pain in the head and neck (Tou Xiang Qiang Tong), and aversion to cold (E Han). "Yangming Disease" referred to Stomach Excess (Wei Jia Shi). "Shaoyang Disease" referred to bitter taste in the mouth (Kou Ku), dry throat (Yan Gan), and vertigo/blurred vision (Mu Xuan). "Taoyin Disease" referred to abdominal fullness (Fu Man), intermittent pain (Shi Tong), vomiting, and diarrhea (Tu Li). "Shaoyin Disease" referred to faint and thin pulse (Mai Wei Xi) and a desire to sleep (Dan Yu Mei). "Jueyin Disease" referred to qi rushing upward striking the heart (Qi Shang Zhuang Xin), heart pain (Xin Zhong Teng Re), and vomiting roundworms (Tu Hui). Since Shaoyin Disease manifests in various ways, Zhang Zhongjing did not repeat "faint pulse and desire to sleep" for every clause but used the term "Shaoyin Disease" as an abbreviation. For instance, when he wrote "Shaoyin Disease with reversed fever and deep pulse, use Mahuang Fuzi Xixin Tang," it implies a patient presenting with faint/deep pulse and desire to sleep, who additionally exhibits fever. Similarly, "Shaoyin Disease developing after two or three days, with restlessness and inability to sleep, use Huanglian Ejiao Tang" applies to patients who initially had Shaoyin signs but developed restlessness and insomnia. Later scholars misunderstood this, failing to recognize the core Shaoyin syndrome covered by the term, and indiscriminately using Mahuang Fuzi Xixin Tang for any fever with deep pulse, or Huanglian Ejiao Tang for any restlessness, a grave deviation from Zhang Zhongjing's method.
Among commentators on Zhang Zhongjing's works, Cheng Wuji is the most detailed. Although his line-by-line explanations occasionally contain contradictions, these are minor flaws in an otherwise invaluable treasure. Later scholars such as Zhao Sizhen, Zhang Jianshan, and others made significant contributions, serving as loyal followers to Cheng's work. I have extensively quoted them to allow students to gain clear insight, occasionally adding my own humble observations. Where the text is self-explanatory, I have omitted redundant annotations. Abbreviations used: Zhao refers to Sizhen; Zhang to Jianshan; Huang to Zhongli; "Huo" to Zhu Gong's *Huoren Shu* (Living Person's Book); Pang to Anshi; Xu to Shuwei Xueshi; "Ben" to Xu Shuwei's *Benshi Fang*; Han to He; Sun to Zhao; Jie to Jiegu Zhang Yuansu; Yun to Yunqizi, son of Jiegu; Yuan to Li Dongyuan; Dan to Zhu Danxi; Hai to Wang Haizang; Wang to Lü; Luo to Tianyi; Dai to Yuanli; Lou to Quanshan; Wu to Shou; Tao to Hua. Texts not attributed to these surnames, except for the initial diagnostic statements, are direct quotes from Zhang Zhongjing.
Zhang Zhongjing's prescriptions often used units like jin (catty), sheng (peck), he, and mei. Due to differences in ancient and modern weights and measures, direct application is difficult. Official texts like *Ju Fang* and *Gangmu* reduced dosages significantly (e.g., five qian per dose), making them too small. Scholars like Tao Hua and Wu Shou altered ancient formulas to suit contemporary practices, introducing further errors. This book retains Zhang Zhongjing's original dosage units, advising practitioners to adjust based on patient condition and season. Ancient formulas should be applied flexibly, not just Zhang's. Chen Wuyue's use of coin specifications to estimate measurements is practical; I cite his views here for reference.
Regarding length: Fen, Cun, Chi, Zhang, and Yin were originally defined by grain sizes. Modern rulers vary: Zhou chi (8 cun), Jing chi (16 cun), Huai chi (12 cun), Yue chi (12.5 cun). We use the smaller standard. Tang Kaiyuan Tongbao coins (diameter 8 fen) provide a reference. Regarding volume: He, Sheng, Dou, and Hu were based on the Huangzhong pitch pipe. One He weighed 24 zhu. Song dynasty standards varied; one Song sheng equaled five Han sheng. Regarding weight: Zhu, Liang, Jin, Jun, and Shi were also based on the Huangzhong pipe. One Liang was 24 Zhu. Han coins ("Ban Liang") and Tang coins ("Kaiyuan Tongbao") differ in weight. Historical records suggest Han Liang was heavier than Tang Liang. *Qianjin Yaofang* and *Bencao* equate ancient 3 Liang to modern 1 Liang. Calculating exact conversions is complex. For example, Ban Xia (Pinellia Rhizome) 1 Sheng equals 5 Liang, but which Sheng and Liang? This is crucial for compounding. Han coins evolved; Wuzhu coins were standardized. It is believed Han 1 Liang equaled two Ban Liang coins (10 Zhu). Tang 1 Liang equaled 24 Zhu. Comparing coin weights helps estimate: 16 Wuzhu coins equal 10 Kaiyuan coins in weight. Ancient herbal decoctions used large amounts of herbs (30+ Liang) and water (6-7 Sheng), boiled down to 2-3 Sheng. Applying ancient weights directly to modern practice may result in overdose or underdose. Wu Shou suggests: 24 Zhu = 1 Liang; 1 Liang = 4 Fen; 6 Zhu = 1 Fen (approx. 2.5 Qian). 1 Qian = 4 Zi; 1 Zi = 2.5 Li. Practitioners must adapt to individual constitution, season, and location. For example, Daxiexiong Tang uses 6 Liang of Dahuang; today, 6 Qian may suffice for mild cases, less for weak patients. Mangxiao (Mirabilite) 1 Sheng might be 2-3 Qian today. Gansui (Kansui Root) 2 Liang might be 1 Fen today. Rigidity leads to death; flexibility saves lives.
The *Neijing* states: "Wind, rain, cold, and heat cannot harm alone unless deficiency exists." Zhu Danxi argued that most Shanghan cases stem from internal injury (Neishang) and require tonifying Yuan Qi. Consequently, some physicians, lacking full understanding of Zhang Zhongjing's methods, mistakenly treated Shanghan as pure deficiency and used tonic therapies, or conversely, used harsh sweating/purging on deficient patients, leading to death. This is akin to murder. Although I include later tonic methods, I emphasize that clinical judgment requires deep study and caution. Protect Yuan Qi; avoid reckless sweating or purging.
Tu Peng in *Sishi Zhiyao* advises distinguishing Yin and Yang through pulse, form, respiration, and voice. Before administering strong formulas like Dachengqi Tang, test with Xiao Chengqi Tang first. Before Da Chaihu Tang, test with Xiao Chaihu Tang. For Yin syndromes requiring Sini Tang, test with Lizhong Tang or Zhenwu Tang first. This cautious approach is wisdom. However, medicine determines life and death instantly; "testing" carries risks. Zhang Rui, a Song dynasty master, treated a Shanghan case with extreme heat. He prepared Chengqi Tang but hesitated repeatedly. The patient suddenly shook, covered himself with blankets, sweated profusely, and recovered spontaneously. Had he taken the medicine, he would have died. Thus, while Tu Peng's caution is not Zhang Zhongjing's original intent, it serves as a warning against rash action by mediocre doctors.