数为计。又重载于各篇之前。又谓疾病至急。仓卒难寻。复重集诸可与不可方冶。分为八篇。亦以数为计。继于
阴阳易差后劳复篇之后。其太阳上编注曰。一十六法。太阳中篇注曰。六十六法。太阳下编注曰。三十九法。阳
明篇注曰。四十四法。少阳篇不言法。太阴篇注曰。三法。少阴篇注曰。二十三法。厥阴篇注曰。六法。不可发汗
篇注曰。一法。可发汗篇注曰。四十一法。发汗后篇注曰。二十五法。可吐篇注曰。二法。不可下编注曰。四法。
可下编注曰。四十四法。
汗吐下后篇注曰。四十八法。以其所注之数通计之。得三百八十七法。然少阳篇。有小柴胡汤一法。其不言者。
恐脱之也。又可吐篇。却有五法。其止言二法者。恐误也。并此脱误四法。于三百九十七法之中。亦仅得三百九
十一法耳。较之序文之说。犹欠六法。乃参之脉经。其可汗可吐等篇外。比伤寒论。又多可温。可灸。可刺。可
水。可火。不可刺。不可灸。不可水。不可火诸篇。欲以此补其所欠。则又甚多而不可用。窃尝思之。纵使三百
九十七法之言。不出于林亿等。而出于亿之前。亦不足用。此言既出。则后之闻者。必当核其是非。以归于正。
而乃遵守听从。以为千载不易之定论。悲夫。
赵嗣真曰。仲景之书。一字不同。则治法霄壤。读之者。不可于片言只字。以求其意欤。
又曰。仲景伤寒
一书。人但知为方家之祖。而未解作秦汉文本观。故于大经大法之意。反有疑似。
陶华曰。仲景固知伤寒。乃冬时杀厉之气所成。非比他病可缓。故其为言。特详于此书。而略于杂病也。倘
能因名以求其实。则思过半矣。不幸此书传世久远。遗佚颇多。晋太医令王叔和得于散亡之后。诠次流传。其功
博矣。惜乎以己论混经。未免穿凿附会。
黄仲理曰。仲景之书。六经至劳复而已。其间具三百九十七法。一百一十二方。纤悉毕备。有条而不紊也。
辨脉法。平脉法。伤寒例三篇。叔和采摭群书。附以己意。虽间有仲景说。实三百九十七法之外者也。又 湿
三种一篇。出金匮要略。叔和虑其证与伤寒相似。恐后人误投汤剂。故编入六经之右。致有宜应论别之语。是为
杂病。非伤寒之候
也。又有不可汗。宜汗。不可吐。宜吐。不可下。宜下。并汗吐下后证。叔和重集于篇末。比六经中。仓卒寻检
易见也。
陈桷曰。辨脉法。非仲景本文。乃叔和所采摭者。故多乖忤。学人宜审别之。
郑佐曰。伤寒论。为文简严。而寓意渊奥。离为六经。法有详略。详者义例甄明。非长余也。略者指趣该洽。
非阙落也。散之若截然殊科。融之则约于一贯。顾读而用之者何如耳。儒者既不暇读。医流又鲜能读。是以微辞
要义。秘而不宣。至谓此非全书。宜欲分门平叙。续臆说及为奇。杂群方而云备。使矿 合治。貂犬同裘。如活
人杀车等书。皆仲景之螟 也，方有执曰。张松北见曹操。以其川中医有仲景为夸。以建安言之。则松亦仲景时
人。
又曰。夫扁鹊仓公。神医也。神尚矣。人以为无以加于仲景。而称仲景曰圣。岂非以仲景之见诸事业载诸简
编者。皆表章天人。股肱素难。达之天下。通之古今。易简而易知易能。非神奇怪异。人之所不可知。不可能者。
所可同年而语哉。是故称圣焉。贾太传曰。吾闻古之圣人。不居朝廷。必在卜医之中。语不虚矣。然医圣也。书
曰论。何也。论也者。仲景自道也。盖谓愤伤寒之不明。戚宗族之非命。论病以辨明伤寒。非谓论伤寒之一病也。
其文经也。其事则论。其心则以为始事于戚。乃不欲忘其初。其多则惠我后人。其意则又不欲以经自居。易曰。
谦谦君子。此之谓也。吾故曰。名虽曰论。实则经也。虽然。若曰伤寒经。殊乖矣。必曰医经。称情哉。又曰。
金匮序略云。伤寒卒病论。卒读仓卒之卒。诚书之初名。此其有据也。但不知卒病二字。漏落
于何时。俗尚苟简。承袭久远。无从可稽矣。君子于此不能无憾焉。
又曰。辨痉湿 病证篇。相传谓叔和述仲景金匮之文。虽远不可考。观其揭首之辞。信有之也。然既曰以为
与伤寒相似。而致辨焉。则亦述所当述者。是故后人称之。为仲景之徒云。辨脉法。叔和述仲景之言。附己意以
为赞经之辞。譬则翼焉。传类也。篇目旧名平脉。次第二。而僭经右。夫传不可以先经。论脉亦无先各脉。而后
平脉之理。且平脉不过前数条。冒事必如此耳。后亦各脉。安得直以平脉名篇。皆非叔和之旧。其为后人之纷更
明甚。凡痉湿 。辨脉上下编。可汗。不可汗。可吐。不可吐。可下。不可下。发汗吐下后脉证。皆叔和分经。
及述经外之余言。附己意以撰次之。合经亦十一篇。共目二十二。以为全成仲景氏未韦之遗书者也。而第十七十
八二十二三篇。则又皆抱空名。而拥虚位。无册条之可检。实则一十九篇之条册耳。皆叔和所纪之旧额如此。世
固有少此以为非仲景之全书。而起其说者。呜呼。是书也。仲景之作于建安。汉年号也。出自叔和之撰述。晋太
医令也。相去虽不甚远。盖已两朝相隔矣。是仲景之全书。非仲景之全书。诚不可晓也。
又曰。医道之方法具备。自仲景始。故世称仲景方法之祖。伤寒论。乃其书也。考求其方法。义例明甚。何
谓例。如中风一也。伤寒二也。兼风寒俱有而中伤。三也。三病不同。以皆同在太阳。故皆发汗。发汗云者。非
例言乎。何谓义。如发中风之汗。汗之以桂枝汤。发伤寒之汗。汗之以麻黄汤。发兼风寒俱有而中伤之发。发之
以大青龙汤。一例发汗。而三汤则不同。非以其各有所宜之义乎。然则方法者。
道之用也。例者所以行其方法也。义则其行而宜之之谓。是已。是皆相须而不相离。一致之谓道也。奚此为然哉。
其余各属。悉皆类此。条目具在也。夫何无己之注解。不省义例原属方法中。法外又独有伤寒之例。独例伤寒。
而置诸各属。舍义而独曰例。岂仲景之言。其后人之伪。明亦甚矣。伪例者谁。或曰叔和。谓叔和者。以其编述
也。编述论而出始。则叔和之于论。诚功之首也。乃若又伪此例。则后之医伤寒者。不知通求各属。但务专拟于
伤寒。仿例而行。仲景之道反愈晦。而至今愈不明。究其叛乱。不由尼于此例。以至如此乎。以此言之。则叔和
者。亦一罪之魁耳。贤如叔和。愚意其智不乃尔也。或曰无己。谓无己者。以其注解也。此则近似。何也。己任
注解。则当精辨论之条目。详悉各属本义。以迪诸后。不当愎强苟且。一概 己。朦胧训为伤寒。比之于例。俨
然一家口语。以此拟己。夫复何疑。且例苟在。非以前亦当暴白其非。不令得以迷误。继述是也。奈何懵此不为。
乃固尾之以阿顺可乎。
闵芝庆曰。伤寒论之称诸证也。证虽纷然。称有定例。其中微旨。非易窥测。至于编列次序。岂不难乎。凡
称某经病者。以病在此经也。六经伤寒固如此。杂病亦有此者。如太阳湿证 证之类。盖辨似伤寒之杂病。称某
经者也。有以伤寒二字冠之者，如伤寒一日。太阳受之。脉若静者为不传之类。盖兼中风而言者也。以伤寒为病。
多从风寒得之。故或中风。或伤寒。总以伤寒称也。其中专称伤寒。不兼中风者。如伤寒脉浮。不发汗因致衄者。
麻黄汤主之之类。是也。有中风伤寒之外。如温病风湿之类，亦在论中者。以明不可混称伤寒也。有但称病患。
但称病。称厥。称呕。称下
利等证。不明言伤寒中风杂病者。大概论之也。论中称有定例如此。叔和编述。以惠后世。乃立一见。而先列辨
脉平脉二篇。盖谓论病当先明脉也。伤寒例。为六经诸篇要领。故以统论者。列于脉法之后。 湿 三种。有似
伤寒。故辨又次之。脉既明矣。要领举矣。相似之证别论。而不得淆矣。斯可细论六经。继以霍乱诸篇乎。
又曰。伤寒有例。犹律法有例。罪有明证。从例治之。病有明证。从例治之。是皆所谓法也。证可定罪之名。
证可定病之名。正名所当先也。伤寒例。先正伤寒所由名。遂及温暑时行冬温寒疫所由名。各正其名者。欲发明
伤寒与诸病相异。故论伤寒。而略言诸病耳。此伤寒例所由名也。彰之以六经脉证。曰可汗。曰可下。是明例在
可治者也。两感于寒者死。不两感于寒。不传经。不加异气者。得自愈。十三日不瘥者危。感异气变为他病者。
当根据坏证治之。是明例各不同者也。又叮咛病须早治。治勿妄施。仁爱之意。深且切矣。须知此篇。乃论中纲领。
仅道伤寒之常。而未尽其变。诸变不可胜数。故后有六经诸病。发明此例。前后一贯。岂容偏废哉。方氏作条辨。
辨伤寒例非仲景之言。出后之伪。遂削去之。吾不敢谓此例皆仲景言也。中有搜采仲景旧论。录其证候等语。岂
仲景言乎。不敢谓此例皆非仲景言也。中有微词奥义发素问热论所未发者。后人岂能伪乎。谓叔和附以己意则可。
谓全非仲景之言则不可。且无论伪与非伪。当观可法与否。以决应存应削。例中发明太阴脉尺寸俱沉细。方氏注。
太阴病脉浮者。可发汗。窃沉细一句证之。例中发明厥阴脉微缓。方氏注厥阴中风脉微浮为欲愈。窃微缓二字
证之。既窃夫例则取之。而以为可法矣。又胡为削之哉。呜
呼。伤寒之不明于天下。由不得其要领。而昧失此例者众也。反谓仲景之道。晦而不明。厄于此例。以至谓成无
己不能暴白伪例之非。固为阿顺。妄以春秋赵盾律之。可乎。
又曰。世于仲景伤寒论。每曰三百九十七法。一百一十三方。方固止于此。法则论中可垂训者。言言皆法。
难以数拘焉。今按汪石山伤寒选录所述。出自类证者。据其所云。则以六经至劳复八篇。为仲景伤寒论之正。余
皆叔和采述仲景之他书。又附以己意者。为三百九十七法之外矣。由是方中行作条辨。以六经至劳复为法。而以
有论有方。及有论无方者。均数之。其间以承上文立论。如小柴胡论方后证治。同上文作一法。如云若其人大便硬
。小便自利者。去桂枝加白术汤主之。同上文作一法。又如问曰证象阳旦一条。同上文作一法。如此数之。盖
求合于三百九十七之数耳。其太阳上编六十六法。中篇五十七法。下编三十八法。阳明篇七十七法。少阳篇九法。
太阴篇九法。少阴篇四十六法。厥阴篇五十四法。来法篇二十法。霍乱篇九法。阴阳易差后劳复篇七法。总三百
九十二法。又据将旧本太阳中篇不可汗六法。移在条辨第十五篇中。则是三百九十八矣。此乃小差。而所系重轻。
全不在此。亦不必论。但当论六经至劳复八篇之外。是法非法。云三百九十七法也。夫方则尽于八篇一百一十三
而已。法则八篇固为法。其余亦皆法也。所以有三百九十七法之说者。盖检八篇。而计其方之数。遂并计八篇中
法之数耳。可谓此外非法哉。其中即有叔和附己意者。不可斥曰非法。应思叔和何如人也。非悉出叔和者耶。故
曰。论中可垂训者。言言皆法。难以数拘也。学人勿执三百九十七法
之说。而忽其余焉。
王肯堂曰。王叔和编次张仲景伤寒论。立三阳三阴篇。其立三阳篇之例。凡仲景曰太阳病者。入太阳篇。曰
阳明病者。入阳明篇。曰少阳病者。入少阳篇。其立三阴篇。亦根据三阳之例。各如太阴少阴厥阴之名。入其篇也。
其或仲景不称三阳三阴之名。但曰伤寒某病。用某方主之。而难分其篇者。则病属阳证。发热结胸痞气蓄血衄血
之类。皆混入太阳篇。病属阴证。厥逆下利呕吐之类。皆混入厥阴篇也。惟燥屎及屎硬。不大便。大便难等证。
虽不称名。独入阳明篇者。由此证类属阳明胃实。非太阳厥阴可入。故独入阳明也。所以然者。由太阳为三阳之
首。凡阳明少阳之病。皆自太阳传来。故诸阳证不称名者。皆入其篇。厥阴为三阴之尾。凡太阴少阴之病。皆至
厥阴传极。故诸阴证不称名者。皆入其篇。后人不悟是理。遂皆谓太阳病诸证。不称名者。亦属太阳。而乱太阳
病之真。厥阴篇诸证。不称名者。亦属厥阴。而乱厥阴病之真。为大失仲景之法也。
又曰。仲景立法。凡云太阳病者。皆谓脉浮头项强痛恶寒也。凡云阳明病者。皆谓胃家实也。凡云少阳病者。
皆谓口苦咽干目眩也。凡云太阴病者。皆谓腹满时痛吐利也。凡曰少阴病者。皆谓脉微细但欲寐也。凡云厥阴病
者。皆谓气上撞心。痛吐蛔也。候如少阴病。不一一逐条曰脉微细但欲寐。而总用少阴病三字括之者。省文也。
故各条或曰。少阴病及发热脉沉。用麻黄附子细辛汤者。谓脉沉细但欲寐。而又反发热者。用其方也。或曰。少
阴病得之二三日以上。心烦不卧。用黄连阿胶汤者。谓脉微细但欲寐。二三日后。变心烦不卧者。用其方也。后
人不悟是理。遂皆不察少阴病三
字。所括脉微细但欲寐之证。但见发热脉沉。便用麻黄附子细辛汤。见心烦不卧。便用黄连阿胶汤。尤为失仲景
之法也。
“数”是指计数的方法。又在各篇之前重复列出这些数字。又说疾病发生得急迫，仓促之间难以查找，于是重新汇集各种可用与不可用的方治，分为八篇，同样以计数来统计。紧接着放在《阴阳易差后劳复篇》之后。其中太阳上编注曰：十六法；太阳中篇注曰：六十六法；太阳下编注曰：三十九法；阳明篇注曰：四十四法；少阳篇未言及法；太阴篇注曰：三法；少阴篇注曰：二十三法；厥阴篇注曰：六法；不可发汗篇注曰：一法；可发汗篇注曰：四十一法；发汗后篇注曰：二十五法；可吐篇注曰：二法；不可下编注曰：四法；可下编注曰：四十四法；汗吐下后篇注曰：四十八法。将这些所注的数字通盘计算，共得三百八十七法。然而少阳篇中只有小柴胡汤一法，却未提及，恐怕是脱漏了。另外，可吐篇实际有五种方法，却只记载了两种，恐怕是错误。加上这些脱漏和错误的四种方法，在三百九十七法之中，实际上只能得到三百九十一法。这与序文中所说的数目相比，还缺少六种方法。于是参考《脉经》，发现除了可汗、可吐等篇外，比《伤寒论》又多出了可温、可灸、可刺、可水、可火、不可刺、不可灸、不可水、不可火等篇章。如果想用这些来补充所缺少的部分，则又太多且无法使用。我曾思考过，纵使“三百九十七法”的说法不是出自林亿等人，而是出自林亿之前的人，也不足为据。既然这种说法已经出现，后来听闻的人，必定应当核实其是非，以归于正道。然而人们却遵守听从，将其视为千年不变的定论，可悲啊。
赵嗣真说：张仲景的著作，一字不同，治疗方法就相差甚远。读书的人，难道不应该从片言只字中去探求其意旨吗？
他又说：世人只知道张仲景的《伤寒论》是方书之祖，却不把它当作秦汉时期的文本来看待，因此对其大经大法的意思，反而产生疑惑。
陶华说：张仲景确实懂得伤寒，这是由冬季时杀厉之气所形成的，不像其他疾病可以拖延，所以他在本书中论述特别详细，而在杂病方面则较为简略。如果能通过名称来探求其实质，那么思虑也就超过一半了。不幸的是，这本书流传久远，遗失很多。晋朝太医令王叔和在散亡之后收集整理，使其流传，功劳很大。可惜他将个人的见解混杂进经典中，未免有些穿凿附会。
黄仲理说：张仲景的著作，从六经到劳复为止，中间包含三百九十七法和一百一十二个方剂，细致完备，有条理而不混乱。《辨脉法》、《平脉法》、《伤寒例》这三篇，是王叔和采摘群书，附加自己的意思而成的，虽然间或有张仲景的说法，但实际上是在三百九十七法之外的内容。还有《湿三种》一篇，出自《金匮要略》，王叔和担心这些证候与伤寒相似，恐怕后人误投汤剂，所以编排入六经之右，导致有“应该另作讨论”的话语，这属于杂病，而非伤寒的证候。又有不可汗、宜汗、不可吐、宜吐、不可下、宜下，以及汗吐下后的证候，王叔和重新汇集在篇末，比起六经中，仓促间更容易查找。
陈桷说：《辨脉法》不是张仲景的原文，而是王叔和采摘整理的，所以多有违背之处，学习者应当仔细辨别。
郑佐说：《伤寒论》行文简练严谨，寓意深远。分为六经，法则有详有略。详细的义例清晰明确，并非冗长多余；简略的旨趣涵盖广泛，并非缺失遗漏。分散开来似乎截然属于不同的科目，融会贯通则统一于一贯之道。只是看读者如何运用罢了。儒者无暇阅读，医家又很少能读懂，因此微妙的言辞和重要的义理被秘而不宣。甚至有人说这不是全书，想要分门别类平铺叙述，续加个人臆测及新奇之说，混杂各方而声称完备，如同将矿石混合冶炼，貂皮与狗皮缝在同一件裘衣上，像《活人书》、《杀车槌法》等书，都是张仲景著作的螟蛉（指非亲生或伪托之作）。
方有执说：张松北见曹操，凭借川中医界推崇张仲景而夸耀。按建安年间来说，张松也是张仲景同时代的人。
他又说：扁鹊、仓公是神医，神妙已久，人们认为没有什么能超过张仲景的，而称张仲景为“圣”，难道不是因为张仲景见于事业、载于简册的，都是表彰天人关系，如同股肱之臣般难能可贵，通达天下，贯通古今，简易而易知易行，并非神奇怪异、人所不知不能做到的事情，那些是可以相提并论的吗？因此称其为圣。贾谊说：我听说古代的圣人，不居于朝廷，就一定在卜医之中，这话不虚。然而他是医圣，书却称为“论”，为什么呢？“论”，是张仲景自述的话。大概是因为愤慨于伤寒之不明，哀痛宗族之非命，论述疾病以辨明伤寒，并不是说只论述伤寒这一种病。其文字是经，其事则是论，其心意是始于对亲人的哀痛，因而不想忘记初衷，其多则是为了惠及后人，其用意是不想将自己置于经的地位。《易经》说：谦谦君子，说的就是这种情况。所以我说是名为“论”，实则为“经”。虽然如此，如果说它是“伤寒经”，就很不恰当了，必须称为“医经”，才合乎情理。他又说：《金匮要略》序略中说：“伤寒卒病论”，“卒”读作仓促之“卒”，确实是书的初名，这是有据可查的。只是不知道“卒病”二字是何时漏落的，世俗崇尚苟且简化，承袭久远，无从考证了。君子对此不能没有遗憾。
他又说：《辨痉湿暍病证篇》，相传说是王叔和叙述张仲景《金匮》的文字，虽然年代久远不可考证，但看其开头的言辞，确实有这样的说法。既然说它与伤寒相似，从而加以辨析，那么这也是叙述应当叙述的内容，所以后人称他为张仲景的弟子。《辨脉法》，王叔和叙述张仲景的话，附加自己的意思作为赞颂经典的辞藻，就像翅膀一样，属于传类的著作。篇目旧名为《平脉》，排在第二，却僭越地排在经的右边。传不可以先于经，论述脉象也没有先讲各脉，然后再讲《平脉》的道理。况且《平脉》不过前面的几条，冒犯事务一定要这样。后面又是各脉，怎么能直接以《平脉》命名篇章呢？这些都不是王叔和的原貌，显然是后人纷乱更改的。凡痉、湿、暍，《辨脉》上下编，可汗、不可汗，可吐、不可吐，可下、不可下，发汗吐下后脉证，都是王叔和分经，以及叙述经外的余言，附加自己的意思编纂而成，合起来也是十一篇，共二十二个目，认为是完全成就了张仲景未完成的遗书。而第十七、十八、二十、二十三篇，却又都抱着空名，占据虚位，没有条目可以检索，实际上只是一十九篇的条册而已。这都是王叔和所记录的旧额。世上有人因为缺少这些内容而认为不是张仲景的全书，从而兴起这种说法，唉！这本书，张仲景作于建安年间，这是汉代的年号；出自王叔和的撰述，他是晋朝的太医令。虽然相隔不远，但已经是两个朝代隔开了。这究竟是张仲景的全书，还是不是张仲景的全书，实在令人困惑。
他又说：医道的方法具备，是从张仲景开始的，所以世人称张仲景为方法的祖师。《伤寒论》就是他的书。考究其中的方法，义例非常明显。什么是“例”？比如中风是一，伤寒是二，兼有风寒俱中伤是三。这三种病不同，但因为都在太阳经，所以都发汗。所谓发汗，不就是“例”吗？什么是“义”？比如发中风的汗，用桂枝汤发汗；发伤寒的汗，用麻黄汤发汗；发兼有风寒俱中伤的汗，用大青龙汤发汗。同样是发汗这一“例”，但三个方剂却不同，这不正是因为它们各有适宜的“义”吗？那么方法，就是道的运用；“例”是用来施行方法的；“义”则是施行得当的意思。这些都是相辅相成、不可分离的，这就叫作“一致的道”。为什么这样呢？其余各类，全都与此类似，条目都在那里。为什么无己（成无己）的注解，不明白义例原本属于方法之中，法之外唯独有伤寒的“例”，单独列举伤寒的“例”，而将其置于各类之外，舍弃“义”而独称“例”，这难道不是张仲景的话被后人伪造了吗？明摆着是很清楚的。伪造“例”的是谁？有人说王叔和，说是因为王叔和编纂叙述。编纂叙述《论》而出始，那么王叔和对《论》确实是有首功的。但如果又伪造这个“例”，那么后来医治伤寒的人，不知道通求各类，只致力于专门模仿伤寒，仿照“例”而行事，张仲景的道反而更加晦暗，至今更加不明。追究叛乱的根源，不正是因为这个“例”吗？由此看来，王叔和也是一个罪魁首。贤如王叔和，我认为他的智慧不至于如此。有人说成无己，说是因为他做注解。这比较接近。为什么呢？既然担任注解，就应当精辨《论》的条目，详尽考察各类的本义，以启迪后人，不应当固执强辩、苟且行事，一概混淆，朦胧地训释为伤寒，比作“例”，俨然像是一家人的口语。以此推测，还有什么可疑的呢？况且如果“例”存在，以前也应该暴露其错误，不让它迷惑误导后人，继续叙述是正确的。为何懵懂于此而不做，反而固守尾巴去阿谀顺从呢？
闵芝庆说：《伤寒论》称呼各种证候，证候虽然纷繁，称呼有固定的体例。其中的微妙旨意，不容易窥测。至于编排次序，难道不难吗？凡是称某经病的，是因为病在此经。六经伤寒固然如此，杂病也有这种情况，比如太阳湿证、暍证之类，大概是辨析类似伤寒的杂病，称之为某经。有的以“伤寒”二字冠在前面，如“伤寒一日，太阳受之，脉若静者为不传”之类，大概是兼有中风而言的。以伤寒为病，多从风寒得来，所以或者中风，或者伤寒，总以伤寒称呼。其中专称伤寒，不兼中风的，如“伤寒脉浮，不发汗因致衄者，麻黄汤主之”之类，就是这种情况。有在中风、伤寒之外，如温病、风湿之类，也在论中的，是为了说明不可以混称为伤寒。有只称病患，只称病，称厥，称呕，称下利等证，不明确说伤寒、中风、杂病的，大概是泛论。论中称呼有固定体例如此。王叔和编纂叙述，以惠泽后世，乃立一见，而先列《辨脉》、《平脉》两篇，大概认为论病应当先明脉象。《伤寒例》是六经诸篇的要领，所以统论者，列在脉法之后。《湿》、《暍》、《三种》，有似于伤寒，所以辨析又次之。脉既已明了，要领已举出，相似的证候分别论述，就不会混淆了。这样可以细论六经，继以霍乱诸篇吗？
他又说：伤寒有“例”，犹如有律法有“例”，罪行有确凿证据，依“例”治之；病症有确凿证据，依“例”治之。这都是所谓的“法”。证可以确定定罪的名称，证可以确定疾病的名称，正名是应当首先做的。《伤寒例》，先端正伤寒之所以命名的原因，进而涉及温暑、时行、冬温、寒疫之所以命名的原因，各自端正它们的名称，是想阐明伤寒与其他疾病的差异，所以在论伤寒的时候，略微提及诸病。这就是《伤寒例》之所以命名的原因。彰显它以六经脉证，曰可汗，曰可下，是明确“例”在于可治的情况。两感于寒者死，不两感于寒，不传经，不加异气者，得以自愈；十三日不愈者危；感异气变为他病者，应当根据坏证治疗。这是明确“例”各不相同的情况。又叮咛病须早治，治勿妄施，仁爱之意，深切恳切。须知此篇，乃是论中的纲领，仅讲述伤寒的常理，而未穷尽其变。诸变不可胜数，所以后有六经诸病，发明此“例”，前后一贯，岂容偏废呢？方氏作《条辨》，辨析《伤寒例》非张仲景之言，出于后人之伪，于是将其删去。我不敢说此“例”全是张仲景的话，其中有“搜采仲景旧论，录其证候”等语，难道是张仲景说的吗？也不敢说此“例”全非张仲景的话，其中有微词奥义，发挥了《素问·热论》所未曾发挥的内容，后人怎能伪造呢？说王叔和附加自己的意思是可以的，说全非张仲景的话则不行。而且无论真伪，应当观察是否值得效法，来决定应保留还是删削。“例”中阐明太阴脉尺寸俱沉细，方氏注解说太阴病脉浮者可发汗，窃取“沉细”一句来验证；“例”中阐明厥阴脉微缓，方氏注解说厥阴中风脉微浮为欲愈，窃取“微缓”二字来验证。既然窃取了“例”中的内容并取以为可法，又为什么要删去它呢？唉！伤寒在天下不明，是因为不得其要领，而昧失此“例”的人太多了。反而认为张仲景的道，晦暗不明，困厄于此“例”，以至于说成无己不能暴露伪“例”的错误，固然是阿谀顺从，胡乱以春秋时期赵盾的典故来指责，可以吗？
他又说：世人对于张仲景《伤寒论》，常说“三百九十七法，一百一十三方”。方剂确实只到此为止，但法则中可垂训的，句句都是法，难以用数量拘束。现在按照汪石山《伤寒选录》所述，出自分类论证的，依据他所讲的，则以六经至劳复八篇，为张仲景《伤寒论》的正统，其余都是王叔和采摘叙述张仲景的其他书籍，又附加自己意思的，属于三百九十七法之外的内容。由此方中行作《条辨》，以六经至劳复为法，而有论有方，及有论无方的，都计算在内。其中承接上文立论的，如小柴胡论方后证治，同上文作一法；如云“若其人大便硬，小便自利者，去桂枝加白术汤主之”，同上文作一法；又如“问曰证象阳旦”一条，同上文作一法。如此计算，大概是力求符合三百九十七的数量。其太阳上编六十六法，中篇五十七法，下编三十八法，阳明篇七十七法，少阳篇九法，太阴篇九法，少阴篇四十六法，厥阴篇五十四法，来法篇二十法，霍乱篇九法，阴阳易差后劳复篇七法，总共三百九十二法。又据将旧本太阳中篇不可汗六法，移在《条辨》第十五篇中，那就是三百九十八了。这只是微小的差别，而所系轻重，全不在这里，也不必讨论。只应当论六经至劳复八篇之外，是法非法，号称三百九十七法。方剂则尽于八篇一百一十三而已，法则八篇固然是法，其余也皆是法。之所以有三百九十七法的说法，大概是检查八篇，计算其方剂的数量，于是并计算八篇中法的数量罢了。能说此外无法吗？其中即使有王叔和附加自己意思的，也不能斥之为非法，应当思考王叔和是什么样的人，难道不全出自我王叔和吗？所以说，论中可垂训的，句句都是法，难以用数量拘束。学习者不要执着于三百九十七法的说法，而忽略其余的部分。
王肯堂说：王叔和编次张仲景《伤寒论》，设立三阳三阴篇。设立三阳篇的体例，凡是张仲景说“太阳病”的，归入太阳篇；说“阳明病”的，归入阳明篇；说“少阳病”的，归入少阳篇。设立三阴篇，也依据三阳的体例，各如太阴、少阴、厥阴之名，归入其篇。如果张仲景不称三阳三阴之名，只说“伤寒某病，用某方主之”，而难以分辨其篇的，则病属阳证，发热、结胸、痞气、蓄血、衄血之类，都混入太阳篇；病属阴证，厥逆、下利、呕吐之类，都混入厥阴篇。只有燥屎及屎硬、不大便、大便难等证，虽然不称名，唯独归入阳明篇的，因为这些证候类别属阳明胃实，不属于太阳、厥阴可入的范围，所以唯独归入阳明。之所以这样，是因为太阳为三阳之首，凡阳明、少阳的病，都是从太阳传来，所以诸阳证不称名的，都归入其篇。厥阴为三阴之尾，凡太阴、少阴的病，都至厥阴传极，所以诸阴证不称名的，都归入其篇。后人不明白这个道理，于是都认为太阳病诸证，不称名的，也属太阳，而扰乱了太阳病的真相；厥阴篇诸证，不称名的，也属厥阴，而扰乱了厥阴病的真相，这是大大违背了张仲景的法度。
他又说：张仲景立法，凡是说“太阳病”的，都是指脉浮、头项强痛、恶寒。凡是说“阳明病”的，都是指胃家实。凡是说“少阳病”的，都是指口苦、咽干、目眩。凡是说“太阴病”的，都是指腹满、时痛、吐利。凡是说“少阴病”的，都是指脉微细、但欲寐。凡是说“厥阴病”的，都是指气上撞心、痛吐蛔。候如少阴病，不一一逐条说脉微细、但欲寐，而总用“少阴病”三字概括的，是省文。所以各条或者说“少阴病及发热脉沉，用麻黄附子细辛汤者”，是指脉沉细、但欲寐，而又反发热者，用其方。或者说“少阴病得之二三日以上，心烦不卧，用黄连阿胶汤者”，是指脉微细、但欲寐，二三日后，变心烦不卧者，用其方。后人不明白这个道理，于是都不考察“少阴病”三字所概括的脉微细、但欲寐的证候，只见发热脉沉，就用麻黄附子细辛汤；见心烦不卧，就用黄连阿胶汤，更是违背了张仲景的法度。
"Number" refers to the method of counting. These numbers are repeated again before each chapter. It is also stated that diseases arise urgently and are difficult to locate in haste, so various applicable and non-applicable treatments were re-collected and divided into eight chapters, similarly counted by number. Following this is the chapter on *Yin-Yang Exchange, Recovery, and Labor Relapse*. The annotations for the Taiyang (Greater Yang) upper section state: 16 methods; the Taiyang middle section states: 66 methods; the Taiyang lower section states: 39 methods; the Yangming (Yang Brightness) chapter states: 44 methods; the Shaoyang (Lesser Yang) chapter does not mention methods; the Taiyin (Greater Yin) chapter states: 3 methods; the Shaoyin (Lesser Yin) chapter states: 23 methods; the Jueyin (Terminal Yin) chapter states: 6 methods; the "Non-Inducing Sweating" chapter states: 1 method; the "Inducing Sweating" chapter states: 41 methods; the "Post-Sweating" chapter states: 25 methods; the "Inducing Vomiting" chapter states: 2 methods; the "Non-Purgation" chapter states: 4 methods; the "Purgation" chapter states: 44 methods; the "Post-Sweating, Vomiting, and Purgation" chapter states: 48 methods. Summing these annotated numbers yields a total of 387 methods. However, the Shaoyang chapter mentions only one method for Xiao Chai Hu Tang (Minor Bupleurum Decoction), yet omits it, suggesting an omission. Furthermore, the "Inducing Vomiting" chapter actually contains five methods but records only two, suggesting an error. Adding these four omitted and erroneous methods to the count of 397 results in only 391 methods actually present. This falls short of the number mentioned in the preface by six methods. Consulting the *Mai Jing* (Pulse Classic), it is found that besides the chapters on inducing sweating and vomiting, there are additional chapters compared to the *Shang Han Lun* (Treatise on Cold Damage), such as those on warming, moxibustion, acupuncture, water therapy, fire therapy, and their contraindications. Using these to fill the missing six would result in too many unusable items. I have pondered this: even if the statement of "397 methods" did not originate from Lin Yi et al., but from someone prior to him, it would still be insufficiently reliable. Now that this statement exists, later readers should verify its correctness to restore truth. Yet people abide by it, treating it as an unchangeable doctrine for millennia. How sad!
Zhao Sizhen said: In Zhang Zhongjing's works, a single character difference leads to vastly different treatment methods. Readers must seek the meaning within every word and phrase.
He further stated: People generally know Zhang Zhongjing's *Shang Han Lun* as the ancestor of prescription books but fail to view it as a text from the Qin and Han dynasties. Consequently, they harbor doubts about its fundamental principles and major laws.
Tao Hua said: Zhang Zhongjing indeed understood cold damage, which is caused by the killing and harsh qi of winter, unlike other diseases that can be delayed. Therefore, his discourse on this subject is particularly detailed in this book, while being brief regarding miscellaneous diseases. If one could seek the reality through the names, half of the understanding would be achieved. Unfortunately, due to the long transmission of this book, much has been lost. Wang Shuhe, Imperial Physician of the Jin Dynasty, collected and organized it after its dispersal, contributing greatly. Alas, he mixed his own theories with the classics, leading to forced interpretations.
Huang Zhongli said: Zhang Zhongjing's work spans from the Six Channels to labor relapse, containing 397 methods and 112 prescriptions, meticulously complete and orderly. The three chapters *Bian Mai Fa* (Differentiating Pulse Methods), *Ping Mai Fa* (Leveling Pulse Methods), and *Shang Han Li* (Cold Damage Example) were compiled by Wang Shuhe from various books with his own additions. Although they occasionally contain Zhang Zhongjing's words, they are essentially outside the scope of the 397 methods. The chapter on *Three Types of Dampness* comes from the *Jin Gui Yao Lue* (Essential Prescriptions of the Golden Cabinet). Wang Shuhe feared that since these conditions resemble cold damage, later generations might mistakenly administer decoctions, so he placed them to the right of the Six Channels, resulting in remarks like "should be discussed separately." These belong to miscellaneous diseases, not cold damage syndromes. Additionally, Wang Shuhe re-collected chapters on non-inducing/inducing sweating, vomiting, purgation, and post-treatment symptoms at the end of the volume for easier reference than in the Six Chapters.
Chen Jue said: *Bian Mai Fa* is not Zhang Zhongjing's original text but was compiled by Wang Shuhe, hence it often contradicts. Students should examine and distinguish it carefully.
Zheng Zuo said: The *Shang Han Lun* is concise and rigorous in writing, with profound implications. Divided into Six Channels, the methods vary in detail. Detailed sections clarify principles without redundancy; brief sections encompass meanings without omission. Scattered, they seem like distinct subjects; integrated, they form a consistent whole. It depends on how readers apply them. Scholars lack time to read them, and physicians rarely understand them, keeping subtle words and key meanings secret. Some claim it is not the complete work and suggest categorizing and continuing with personal speculations and novel ideas, mixing various prescriptions to claim completeness, akin to smelting ore together or sewing fox and dog furs into one coat. Books like *Huo Ren Shu* (Book of Living People) and *Sha Che Chui Fa* are illegitimate derivatives of Zhang Zhongjing's work.
Fang Youzhi said: Zhang Song met Cao Cao, boasting of Zhang Zhongjing as a renowned physician in Sichuan. By the Jian'an era, Zhang Song was a contemporary of Zhang Zhongjing.
He further stated: Bian Que and Cang Gong were divine healers, revered for ages. People consider no one superior to Zhang Zhongjing and call him "Sage." Is it not because Zhang Zhongjing's achievements and writings exalt the relationship between Heaven and Humanity, serve as indispensable ministers, reach all under heaven, connect past and present, and are simple, easy to know, and easy to practice? They are not strange or miraculous things unknown or impossible for humans. Thus, he is called Sage. Jia Yi said: "I heard that ancient sages, if not in court, were among diviners and healers." This is true. He is a Medical Sage, yet the book is called "Lun" (Discourse/Treatise). Why? "Lun" is Zhang Zhongjing's self-description. He was indignant that cold damage was misunderstood and grieved that his clan died prematurely. He discussed diseases to clarify cold damage, not just cold damage as a single disease. The text serves as a classic (Jing), the events as discourse (Lun), and his heart began with grief for his kin, wishing not to forget his origin. Its abundance benefits future generations, and its intent avoids claiming status as a classic. As the *I Ching* says: "A modest gentleman." This describes him. Thus, although named "Lun," it is实质上 a "Jing." However, calling it "Shang Han Jing" (Cold Damage Classic) is inappropriate; it should be called "Yi Jing" (Medical Classic) to fit the sentiment. He also noted: The preface to *Jin Gui* mentions *Shang Han Zu Bing Lun*. "Zu" is pronounced as "cù" (hasty/sudden), indicating the original name. This is documented. But when the characters "Zu Bing" were dropped is unknown, lost to custom and time. Gentlemen regret this.
He further stated: The chapter *Bian Jing Shi Yue Bing Zheng Pian* (Differentiating Spasm, Dampness, and Heat Stroke Syndromes) is traditionally said to be Wang Shuhe narrating Zhang Zhongjing's *Jin Gui* text. Though ancient, the opening words confirm this. Since it distinguishes conditions similar to cold damage, it narrates what should be narrated, hence later generations call him a disciple of Zhang Zhongjing. *Bian Mai Fa* records Zhang Zhongjing's words with Wang Shuhe's commentary, acting as wings or transmissions. The old title *Ping Mai* was second but placed incorrectly after the Classics. Transmissions cannot precede Classics, and pulse discussion logic doesn't place general pulse leveling before specific pulses. *Ping Mai* covers only initial points, forcing structure. Later sections on specific pulses cannot justify naming the chapter *Ping Mai*. These are clearly later alterations, not Wang Shuhe's original. All chapters on Spasm, Dampness, Heat Stroke, *Bian Mai*, Inducing/Non-inducing Sweating/Vomiting/Purgation, and post-treatment pulses were categorized by Wang Shuhe, combining extra-classical remarks with his own edits into eleven chapters totaling twenty-two headings, claiming to complete Zhang Zhongjing's unfinished work. Chapters 17, 18, 20, and 23 hold empty titles and vacant positions with no searchable content, effectively reducing the valid content to nineteen chapters. This is Wang Shuhe's recorded arrangement. Some argue that missing these means it's not Zhang Zhongjing's complete work. Alas! Zhang Zhongjing wrote during the Jian'an era (Han Dynasty); Wang Shuhe compiled it in the Jin Dynasty. Though close in time, they span two dynasties. Whether it is Zhang Zhongjing's complete work or not remains perplexing.
He further stated: The methods of medicine were fully established starting with Zhang Zhongjing, hence he is called the Ancestor of Methods. The *Shang Han Lun* is this book. Examining its methods reveals clear principles. What is an "Example" (Li)? For instance, Wind Strike is one, Cold Damage is two, and combined Wind-Cold injury is three. Though different, all occur in the Taiyang channel and thus induce sweating. Inducing sweating is an "Example." What is "Meaning" (Yi)? To induce sweating for Wind Strike, use Guizhi Tang (Cinnamon Twig Decoction); for Cold Damage, use Mahuang Tang (Ephedra Decoction); for combined injury, use Da Qing Long Tang (Major Green Dragon Decoction). Same example, different formulas, because each has its appropriate "Meaning." Thus, methods are the application of the Dao; examples execute methods; meaning ensures appropriateness. They are interdependent, constituting the unified Dao. Other categories follow this pattern. Why did Cheng Wuji's commentary fail to realize that Yi and Li belong within Methods, creating a separate "Cold Damage Example" outside other categories? Abandoning Meaning for Example suggests later forgery. Who forged the Example? Some say Wang Shuhe, due to compilation. While Wang Shuhe deserves credit for compiling, forging Examples harms future practitioners who merely imitate rather than understand diverse applications, obscuring Zhang Zhongjing's Dao. Thus, Wang Shuhe bears some blame. But wise men like Wang Shuhe wouldn't do this. Others blame Cheng Wuji for his commentary. This seems plausible. As a commentator, he should have clarified terms and meanings for posterity, not confusedly equating everything to Cold Damage Examples. If Examples existed, errors should have been exposed earlier. Instead, he blindly followed along.
Min Zhiqing said: The *Shang Han Lun* lists many syndromes but follows fixed naming conventions. The subtle intent is hard to grasp. Regarding arrangement: Naming a condition by a Channel implies the disease resides there. This applies to Six Channel cold damage and some miscellaneous diseases (e.g., Taiyang Dampness/Heat Stroke), distinguishing them from cold damage. Some start with "Shang Han" (e.g., "On the first day of Shang Han, Taiyang receives it..."), implying concurrent Wind Strike. Since Shang Han often stems from Wind-Cold, both are grouped under Shang Han. Specific cases like "Shang Han with floating pulse, failure to sweat causes nosebleed, treated with Mahuang Tang" refer strictly to Shang Han without Wind Strike. Conditions like Warm Disease or Damp-Wind are included to show they shouldn't be mixed with Shang Han. General terms like "Patient," "Disease," "Jue," "Vomiting," "Diarrhea" appear without specifying Shang Han/Wind Strike/Miscellaneous, representing general discussions. Wang Shuhe arranged these to benefit future generations, placing *Bian Mai* and *Ping Mai* first to emphasize pulse diagnosis. *Shang Han Li* is the key to the Six Chapters, placed after pulse methods. *Dampness/Heat Stroke* are distinguished next due to similarity to Shang Han. With pulses clear and keys established, similar syndromes separated, one can then discuss Six Channels and Huoluan (Cholera-like) chapters.
He further stated: Shang Han has "Examples," just as law has precedents. Crimes with clear evidence follow precedent; diseases with clear evidence follow precedent. These are "Methods." Syndromes determine the name of the crime/disease; rectifying names is primary. *Shang Han Li* first defines why it's called Shang Han, then explains Warmth, Summerheat, Seasonal Epidemics, Winter Warmth, and Cold Epidemics. Rectifying names clarifies differences between Shang Han and other diseases. It highlights treatable cases via sweating/purgation. Two-channel cold damage leads to death; non-transmitting cases resolve spontaneously; unresolved after 13 days is critical; changed syndromes require treating damaged conditions. It emphasizes early treatment and avoiding reckless intervention. This chapter is the outline of the Treatise, describing normal Shang Han but not all variations. Variations are countless, necessitating the Six Chapter discussions to elaborate. They are consistent; neither should be neglected. Fang Shi's *Tiao Bian* argued *Shang Han Li* was not Zhang Zhongjing's work and removed it. I dare not say it is entirely Zhang Zhongjing's words, as it cites "collecting old theories." Nor dare I say it is entirely not his, as it contains profound insights expanding on *Su Wen: Re Lun*. Saying Wang Shuhe added his intent is acceptable; saying it's entirely non-Zhang is not. Regardless of authenticity, judge by utility. Fang Shi notes *Shang Han Li* states Taiyin pulses are deep and fine, yet his annotation for Taiyang disease with floating pulse allows sweating, borrowing "deep/fine." He notes Jueyin pulse is slightly slow, annotating Jueyin Wind Strike with floating pulse as recovery, borrowing "slightly slow." If he borrows from the Example to validate methods, why delete it? Alas! Shang Han is misunderstood because people miss the key and ignore this Example. Blaming Zhang Zhongjing's Dao for being obscure due to this Example, or accusing Cheng Wuji of blind obedience and comparing him to Zhao Dun (who failed to punish the assassin of his ruler), is unjust.
He further stated: People often cite "397 Methods, 113 Prescriptions." Prescriptions are indeed limited to this number. However, any instructive statement in the Treatise is a Method, defying numerical limits. According to Wang Shishan's *Shang Han Xuan Lu*, the authentic core consists of the Eight Chapters from Six Channels to Labor Relapse. The rest are Wang Shuhe's compilations from other Zhang Zhongjing texts with added intent, falling outside the 397 Methods. Fang Zhongxing's *Tiao Bian* counts methods including those with/without prescriptions, linking subsequent discussions to previous ones (e.g., Xiao Chai Hu Tang post-prescription symptoms, Bai Zhu Tang modification for constipation, Yang Dan syndrome question) to reach 397. His counts per chapter differ slightly (Taiyang Upper 66, Middle 57, Lower 38; Yangming 77; Shaoyang 9; Taiyin 9; Shaoyin 46; Jueyin 54; etc.), totaling around 392-398 depending on adjustments. This minor discrepancy is insignificant. The real issue is whether content outside the Eight Chapters constitutes "Methods." Prescriptions are confined to the Eight Chapters (113 total). Methods exist in all chapters. The "397 Methods" likely arose by counting prescriptions in the Eight Chapters and assuming the corresponding methods matched. Can we say there are no methods outside? Even if Wang Shuhe added intent, it shouldn't be dismissed as non-method. One must consider Wang Shuhe's role. Thus, any instructive statement is a method, resistant to strict counting. Students should not cling to the "397 Methods" dogma and neglect the rest.
Wang Kentang said: Wang Shuhe organized Zhang Zhongjing's *Shang Han Lun* into Three Yang and Three Yin chapters. The rule for Three Yang: "Taiyang Disease" goes to Taiyang; "Yangming Disease" to Yangming; "Shaoyang Disease" to Shaoyang. Three Yin follows suit. If Zhang Zhongjing didn't name the channels but said "Shang Han [X] Disease, treated with [Y] Formula," classification is harder. Yang syndromes (fever, chest binding, fullness, blood stasis, epistaxis) are mixed into Taiyang. Yin syndromes (cold extremities, diarrhea, vomiting) are mixed into Jueyin. Only dry stool, hard stool, constipation, and difficult defecation go exclusively to Yangming, as they relate to Yangming Stomach Excess, not Taiyang or Jueyin. This is because Taiyang is the head of Yang; all Yang diseases transmit from Taiyang. Jueyin is the tail of Yin; all Yin diseases transmit to Jueyin. Later generations misunderstood this, assuming unnamed Taiyang symptoms belong to Taiyang and unnamed Jueyin symptoms belong to Jueyin, distorting the true nature of these channels and violating Zhang Zhongjing's methodology.
He further stated: Zhang Zhongjing's legislation defines "Taiyang Disease" as floating pulse, stiff neck/head, aversion to cold. "Yangming Disease" as Stomach Excess. "Shaoyang Disease" as bitter taste, dry throat, vertigo. "Taiyin Disease" as abdominal fullness, intermittent pain, vomiting/diarrhea. "Shaoyin Disease" as faint/thin pulse, desire to sleep. "Jueyin Disease" as Qi rushing to the heart, pain, vomiting roundworms. When describing Shaoyin conditions, he doesn't repeat "faint/thin pulse, desire to sleep" every time but uses the term "Shaoyin Disease" to save space. For example, "Shaoyin Disease with fever and deep pulse, use Mahuang Fuzi Xixian Tang" implies faint/thin pulse, desire to sleep, plus fever. "Shaoyin Disease, 2-3 days, irritability, insomnia, use Huanglian Ejiao Tang" implies the same base condition evolving into irritability/insomnia. Later generations missed this, seeing only fever/deep pulse or irritability/insomnia and applying formulas without recognizing the underlying Shaoyin context, further deviating from Zhang Zhongjing's method.